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| | | Press Release KABILA & MONUC MUST ARREST NTAGANDA WITHOUT FURTHER DELAY
| | RWANDA ASKED TO IMMEDIATELY EXTRADITE NKUNDA TO ICC | | Sacramento, CA, February, 4, 2009, The Mobilization for Justice and Peace in the R.D. Congo (MJPC) today called on RWANDA to immediately extradite NKUNDA to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague for war crimes and crimes against humanity and urged the Democratic Republic of Congo and MONUC to arrest without delay Bosco Ntaganda and hand him over for trial at the International Criminal Court (ICC). The world's most prestigious human rights organizations,Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have also called for the International Criminal Court (ICC) to try Congo Laurent Nkunda for war crimes and for the government of DR Congo to immediately arrest Jean Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes. Bosco Ntaganda is the subject of an International Criminal Court arrest warrant issued under seal in August 2006 and made public on 28 April 2008 for the war crime of recruiting and using children as soldiers in the Ituri region of eastern DRC between July 2002 and December 2003. He also reportedly commanded CNDP fighters who unlawfully killed scores of civilians in Kiwanja, North Kivu province, eastern DRC, on 4/5 November 2008. "The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the only international court capable of trying NKUNDA for his committed war crimes and crimes against humanity and both the government of Kabila and UN(MONUC) must take swift action to enforce the International Criminal Court's (ICC) arrest warrant against Bosco Ntaganda accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity, said MJPC Executive Director, Amede Kyubwa.
As part of denouncing the serious war crimes going unpunished in Congo, MJPC launched a petition on Nov 25, 2008 demanding immediately arrest NKUNDA for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The petition has been signed by over 1310 concerned citizens from more 25 countries. On Jan 12, 2009, MJPC launched another petition asking for concerned citizens around to sign a petion calling on the government of Congo and UN (MONUC) to immediately arrest Bosco Ntaganda accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity and hand him over for trial at the International Criminal Court (ICC). The peition can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html. | MJPC is a nonprofit organization dedicated to working to to add a voice in the promotion of justice and peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in particular in the east where thousands of innocent civilians, including children and women continue to be victims of massive human rights violations while the armed groups responsible for these crimes remain unpunished. For more information on MJPC and their activities, visit the wbsite www.mjpcongo.org. or call 916 753 5717. The online petition calling for the immediate arrest Bosco NTAGANDA accused or war crimes and crimes aagainst humanity can be signed athttp://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html.
| | | | | | | | | | | MONUC must arrest NKUNDA now | P O Box 29979 | Sacramento | CA | 95821 | 
| | Press Release MJPC Urges the ICC to Refer Congo to the UN (Security Council) on Ntaganda
| | "There are serious dangers in continuing to allow Congo defy the ICC arrest warrant against Ntaganda; its sends a wrong message and could have disastrous effects in other countries" | | Sacramento, California, April 14, 2009: Citing the importance for the newly-created International Criminal Court (ICC) to remain an impeccably impartial institution, the MJPC reiterated its call on the ICC to refer the DR Congo to the Security Council for possible sanctions. The MJPC (Mobilization for Justice and Peace in the Congo) warned that in the Congo as elsewhere, the ICC as a new international instrument to promote the rule of law and ensure that the gravest international crimes do not go unpunished could quickly lose its moral value if it does not take concrete steps to start enforcing its own issued arrest warrants. "Frankly the ICC cannot put off forever bringing the DR Congo before the Security Council for its continuing refusal to execute the outstanding ICC arrest warrant against Ntaganda," said Makuba Sekombo, Director of Community Affairs of the MJPC, an organization that strongly denounces defying ICC arrest warrants in Congo. "There are serious dangers in continuing to allow Congo defy this arrest warrant, its sends a wrong message and could have disastrous effects in other countries," added Sekombo. Ntaganda is accused of several war crimes and crimes against humanity including: the massacres of 150 people in the town of Kiwanja in 2008 in his duties as military chief of staff of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), torturing and killing of hundreds of civilians of Lendu and Ngiti ethnicity between August 2002 and March 2003 when he was chief of military operations of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), slaughtering of at least 800 civilians on ethnic grounds at Mongbwalu, including the first priest killed in the Ituri conflict, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, killing of a Kenyan UN peacekeeper in January 2004 and kidnapping a Moroccan peacekeeper later that year, and recruiting child soldiers in the eastern region of Ituri. The MJPC is strongly urging the Congolese Government and MONUC to execute the arrest warrant issued by the ICC against Ntaganda. According to Mr. Sekombo, the failure in the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda to date highlights the lack of seriousness in enforcing arrest warrants issued by the ICC and strongly urges the ICC to refer the case of Ntaganda to the UN Security Council to find solutions in accordance with Article 87, paragraph 7 of the Treaty of Rome. The MJPC is calling for Congo to be taken to the Security Council, as it claims Kinshasa is in clear violation of the ICC treaty which Congo ratified in 2002. The ICC cannot afford to ignore its statutory responsibility to report this matter" to the Security Council," he said, adding that the Security Council would have the authority to require Congo to take all necessary corrective measures to enforce all ICC arrest warrants immediately. An online petition has been set up asking concerned citizens around the world to demand the UN Mission in Congo known as MONUC and the Congolese Government to act decisively to enforce the ICC outstanding arrest warrants against Ntaganda. The petition can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html | | | About MJPC MJPC is a non-profit organization working to add a voice in advocating for justice and peace in the DRC particulary in the east of DRC where thousands innocent civilian including children and women continue to suffer massive human rights violations while armed groups responsible for these crimes go unpunished. | For more information about the MJPC and its activities, visit http://www.mjpcongo.org . or call Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 or e-mail: info@mjpcongo.org . The online petition calling on the Congolese Government and MONUC to act decisively in enforcing the outstanding ICC arrest warrant against Bosco Ntaganda can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
| | | | | | | | | MJPC | P O Box 29979 | Sacramento | CA | 95821 |
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Transmettre le message | | | MONUC must arrest NKUNDA now Campaign | P0 Box 28992 | BUKAVU | KIVU | GOMA | Congo, Democratic Republic of | |
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MJPC Urges the ICC to Refer Congo to the UN (Security Council) on Ntaganda
"There are serious dangers in continuing to allow Congo defy the ICC arrest warrant against Ntaganda; its sends a wrong message and could have disastrous effects in other countries"
Sacramento, California, April 14, 2009: Citing the importance for the newly-created International Criminal Court (ICC) to remain an impeccably impartial institution, the MJPC reiterated its call on the ICC to refer the DR Congo to the Security Council for possible sanctions.
The MJPC (Mobilization for Justice and Peace in the Congo) warned that in the Congo as elsewhere, the ICC as a new international instrument to promote the rule of law and ensure that the gravest international crimes do not go unpunished could quickly lose its moral value if it does not take concrete steps to start enforcing its own issued arrest warrants.
"Frankly the ICC cannot put off forever bringing the DR Congo before the Security Council for its continuing refusal to execute the outstanding ICC arrest warrant against Ntaganda," said Makuba Sekombo, Director of Community Affairs of the MJPC, an organization that strongly denounces defying ICC arrest warrants in Congo. "There are serious dangers in continuing to allow Congo defy this arrest warrant, its sends a wrong message and could have disastrous effects in other countries," added Sekombo.
Ntaganda is accused of several war crimes and crimes against humanity including: the massacres of 150 people in the town of Kiwanja in 2008 in his duties as military chief of staff of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), torturing and killing of hundreds of civilians of Lendu and Ngiti ethnicity between August 2002 and March 2003 when he was chief of military operations of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), slaughtering of at least 800 civilians on ethnic grounds at Mongbwalu, including the first priest killed in the Ituri conflict, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, killing of a Kenyan UN peacekeeper in January 2004 and kidnapping a Moroccan peacekeeper later that year, and recruiting child soldiers in the eastern region of Ituri. The MJPC is strongly urging the Congolese Government and MONUC to execute the arrest warrant issued by the ICC against Ntaganda.
According to Mr. Sekombo, the failure in the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda to date highlights the lack of seriousness in enforcing arrest warrants issued by the ICC and strongly urges the ICC to refer the case of Ntaganda to the UN Security Council to find solutions in accordance with Article 87, paragraph 7 of the Treaty of Rome.
The MJPC is calling for Congo to be taken to the Security Council, as it claims Kinshasa is in clear violation of the ICC treaty which Congo ratified in 2002. The ICC cannot afford to ignore its statutory responsibility to report this matter" to the Security Council," he said, adding that the Security Council would have the authority to require Congo to take all necessary corrective measures to enforce all ICC arrest warrants immediately.
An online petition has been set up asking concerned citizens around the world to demand the UN Mission in Congo known as MONUC and the Congolese Government to act decisively to enforce the ICC outstanding arrest warrants against Ntaganda. The petition can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
About MJPC
MJPC is a non-profit organization working to add a voice in advocating for justice and peace in the DRC particulary in the east of DRC where thousands innocent civilian including children and women continue to suffer massive human rights violations while armed groups responsible for these crimes go unpunished.
Click here to read a full article on referring Congo to the UN Security Council if it continues to defy the execution of the Arrest Warrant of the ICC Against Ntaganda by Makuba Sekombo
For more information about the MJPC and its activities, visit http://www.mjpcongo.org . or call Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 or e-mail: info@mjpcongo.org . The online petition calling on the Congolese Government and MONUC to act decisively in enforcing the outstanding ICC arrest warrant against Bosco Ntaganda can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC invite l'ICC pour se référer le Congo à l'ONU (le Conseil de sécurité) sur Ntaganda
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
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MJPC invite l'ICC pour se référer le Congo à l'ONU (le Conseil de sécurité) sur Ntaganda
« là est des dangers sérieux en continuant à permettre à défi du Congo la garantie de l'arrestation ICC contre Ntaganda ; son envoie un message faux et pourrait avoir des effets désastreux en d'autres pays "
Sacramento, la Californie, 14 avril 2009 : Citant l'importance pour la cour criminelle internationale de création récente (ICC) pour rester un établissement impeccably impartial, le MJPC a réitéré le son invite l'ICC pour se référer le DR Congo au Conseil de sécurité pour des sanctions possibles.
Le MJPC (mobilisation pour la justice et la paix au Congo) a averti qu'au Congo aussi ailleurs, l'ICC comme nouvel instrument international pour favoriser la règle de la loi et pour s'assurer que les crimes internationaux les plus graves ne disparaissent pas impunis pourrait rapidement perdre sa valeur morale si elle ne prend pas des mesures concrètes au début imposant ses propres les garanties publiées d'arrestation.
« Franchement l'ICC ne peut pas reporter apporter pour toujours le DR Congo avant que le Conseil de sécurité pour que son refus continu exécute la garantie exceptionnelle de l'arrestation ICC contre Ntaganda, » ait dit Makuba Sekombo, directeur des affaires de la Communauté du MJPC, une organisation qui dénonce fortement les garanties défiantes de l'arrestation ICC au Congo. « Il y a des dangers sérieux en continuant à permettre à défi du Congo cette garantie d'arrestation, sa envoie un message faux et pourrait avoir des effets désastreux en d'autres pays, » Sekombo supplémentaire.
Ntaganda est accusé de plusieurs crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité comprenant : the massacres of 150 people in the town of Kiwanja in 2008 in his duties as military chief of staff of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), torturing and killing of hundreds of civilians of Lendu and Ngiti ethnicity between August 2002 and March 2003 when he was chief of military operations of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), slaughtering of at least 800 civilians on ethnic grounds at Mongbwalu, including the first priest killed in the Ituri conflict, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, killing of a Kenyan UN peacekeeper in January 2004 and kidnapping a Moroccan peacekeeper later that year, and recruiting child soldiers in the eastern region of Ituri. Le MJPC invite fortement le gouvernement et le MONUC congolais à exécuter la garantie d'arrestation publiée par l'ICC contre Ntaganda.
Selon M. Sekombo, l'échec dans l'arrestation de Bosco Ntaganda accentue jusqu'ici le manque de sérieux en imposant des garanties d'arrestation publiées par l'ICC et invite fortement l'ICC pour se référer le cas de Ntaganda au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU aux solutions de trouvaille conformément à l'article 87, divisent en paragraphes 7 du Traité de Rome.
Le MJPC réclame le Congo à prendre au Conseil de sécurité, car il réclame Kinshasa est dans la violation claire du traité ICC que le Congo a ratifié en 2002. L'ICC ne peut pas avoir les moyens d'ignorer sa responsabilité statutaire de rapporter cette matière " au Conseil de sécurité, « il a dit, ajoutant que le Conseil de sécurité aurait l'autorité pour exiger du Congo de prendre toutes les mesures correctives nécessaires d'imposer chacune des garanties de l'arrestation ICC immédiatement.
Une pétition en ligne a été placée vers le haut de demander aux citoyens intéressés autour du monde d'exiger la mission de l'ONU au Congo connu sous le nom de MONUC et gouvernement congolais pour agir décisivement d'imposer les garanties exceptionnelles de l'arrestation ICC contre Ntaganda. La pétition peut être signée chez http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Au sujet de MJPC
MJPC est un fonctionnement d'organisation à but non lucratif pour ajouter une voix en préconisant pour la justice et la paix dans le transporteur particulary dans à l'est du transporteur où le civil innocent de milliers comprenant des enfants et les femmes continuent à souffrir des violations massives de droits de l'homme tandis que les groupes armés responsables de ces crimes vont impunis.
Cliquez ici pour lire un plein article sur se référer le Congo à l'ONU que le Conseil de sécurité s'il continue à défier l'exécution de la garantie d'arrestation de l'ICC contre Ntaganda par Makuba Sekombo
pour plus d'informations sur le MJPC et ses activités, visitent http://www.mjpcongo.org. ou appel Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 ou E-mails : info@mjpcongo.org. La pétition en ligne invitant le gouvernement et le MONUC congolais à agir décisivement en imposant la garantie exceptionnelle de l'arrestation ICC contre Bosco Ntaganda peut être signée chez http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC impulsa el ICC para referir Congo a la O.N.U (consejo de seguridad) en Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC impulsa el ICC para referir Congo a la O.N.U (consejo de seguridad) en Ntaganda
“allí es peligros serios en la continuación no prohibir a desafio de Congo la autorización de la detención ICC contra Ntaganda; su envía un mensaje incorrecto y podría tener efectos desastrosos en otros países "
Sacramento, California, 14 de abril de 2009: Citando la importancia para la corte criminal internacional creada recientemente (ICC) para seguir siendo una institución impeccably imparcial, el MJPC reiteró su invita el ICC para referir el dr Congo al consejo de seguridad para las sanciones posibles.
El MJPC (movilización para la justicia y la paz en el Congo) advirtió que en el Congo tan a otra parte, el ICC como un instrumento internacional nuevo para promover la regla de la ley y para asegurarse de que no van los crímenes internacionales más graves unpunished podría perder rápidamente su valor moral si no lleva medidas concretas el comienzo que hace cumplir sus el propios las autorizaciones publicadas de la detención.
“Franco el ICC no puede poner por siempre de traer el dr Congo antes de que el consejo de seguridad para que su denegación de continuación ejecute la autorización excepcional de la detención ICC contra Ntaganda,” dijera Makuba Sekombo, director de los asuntos del MJPC, una organización de la comunidad que denunci fuertemente autorizaciones de desafío de la detención ICC en Congo. “Hay peligros serios en la continuación no prohibir a desafio de Congo esta autorización de la detención, su envía un mensaje incorrecto y podría tener efectos desastrosos en otros países,” Sekombo agregado.
Ntaganda se acusa de varios crímenes de guerra y de crímenes contra humanidad incluyendo: las masacres de 150 personas en la ciudad de Kiwanja en 2008 en sus deberes como jefe de personal militar del congreso nacional para la defensa de la gente (CNDP), torturando y matando de centenares de civiles de pertenencia étnica de Lendu y de Ngiti entre el agosto de 2002 y marzo de 2003 cuando él era jefe de las operaciones militares de la unión de los patriotas de Congolese (UPC), matanza por lo menos de 800 civiles en los argumentos étnicos en Mongbwalu, incluyendo el primer sacerdote matado en el conflicto de Ituri, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, matar de una fuerza de paz de Kenyan la O.N.U en enero de 2004 y secuestrar una fuerza de paz marroquí más adelante que año, y el reclutamiento de soldados del niño en la región del este de Ituri. El MJPC está impulsando fuertemente el gobierno de Congolese y el MONUC ejecutar la autorización de la detención publicada por el ICC contra Ntaganda.
Según Sr. Sekombo, la falta en la detención de Bosco Ntaganda hasta la fecha destaca la carencia de la seriedad en hacer cumplir las autorizaciones de la detención publicadas por el ICC e impulsa fuertemente el ICC para referir el caso de Ntaganda al consejo de seguridad de la O.N.U a las soluciones del hallazgo de acuerdo con el artículo 87, divide en párrafos 7 del tratado de Roma.
El MJPC está llamando para que Congo sea llevado el consejo de seguridad, pues demanda Kinshasa está en la violación clara del tratado ICC que Congo ratificó en 2002. El ICC no puede permitirse no hacer caso de su responsabilidad estatutaria de divulgar esta materia " al consejo de seguridad, “él dijo, agregando que el consejo de seguridad tendría la autoridad para requerir Congo tomar todas las medidas correctivas necesarias de hacer cumplir las autorizaciones de la detención ICC inmediatamente.
Una petición en línea se ha fijado encima de pedir que los ciudadanos en cuestión alrededor del mundo exijan la misión de la O.N.U en Congo conocido como MONUC y el gobierno de Congolese para actuar decisivo para hacer cumplir las autorizaciones excepcionales de la detención ICC contra Ntaganda. La petición se puede firmar en http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Sobre MJPC
MJPC es un funcionamiento de la organización no lucrativa para agregar una voz en abogar para la justicia y la paz en el Manual del Transportista particulary en al este del Manual del Transportista donde el civil inocente de los millares incluyendo niños y las mujeres continúan sufriendo violaciones masivas de los derechos humanos mientras que van los grupos armados responsables de estos crímenes unpunished.
Chasque aquí para leer un artículo completo en referir Congo a la O.N.U que el consejo de seguridad si continúa desafiando la ejecución de la autorización de la detención de el ICC contra Ntaganda de Makuba Sekombo
para más información sobre el MJPC y sus actividades, visita http://www.mjpcongo.org. o llamada Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 o E-maices: info@mjpcongo.org. La petición en línea que invita el gobierno de Congolese y el MONUC a actuar decisivo en hacer cumplir la autorización excepcional de la detención ICC contra Bosco Ntaganda se puede firmar en http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC invita il ICC per fare riferimento il Congo al NU (Consiglio di sicurezza) su Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC invita il ICC per fare riferimento il Congo al NU (Consiglio di sicurezza) su Ntaganda
“là è pericoli serii nella continuazione permettere il Congo sfida alla garanzia di arresto ICC contro Ntaganda; relativo trasmette un messaggio errato e potrebbe avere effetti disastrosi in altri paesi "
Sacramento, la California, 14 aprile 2009: Citando l'importanza per la corte criminale internazionale di recente creazione (ICC) per rimanere un'istituzione impeccably imparziale, il MJPC ha ripetuto il relativo invita il ICC per fare riferimento il Dott Congo al Consiglio di sicurezza per le sanzioni possibili.
Il MJPC (mobilizzazione per giustizia e pace nel Congo) ha avvertito che nel Congo altrove, il ICC come nuovo strumento internazionale per promuovere la norma di legge e per accertarsi che i crimini internazionali più gravi non andassero unpunished potrebbe perdere rapidamente il relativo valore morale se non prende i provvedimenti concreti all'inizio che fa rispettare il relativi propri garanzie pubblicate di arresto.
“Franco il ICC non può rinviare per sempre portare il Dott Congo prima che il Consiglio di sicurezza affinchè il relativo rifiuto continuo esegua la garanzia eccezionale di arresto ICC contro Ntaganda,„ abbia detto Makuba Sekombo, direttore degli affari del MJPC, un'organizzazione della Comunità che denuncia fortemente sfidare alle garanzie di arresto ICC nel Congo. “Ci sono pericoli serii nella continuazione permettere il Congo sfidano a questa garanzia di arresto, relativa trasmettono un messaggio errato e potrebbero avere effetti disastrosi in altri paesi,„ Sekombo aggiunto.
Ntaganda è accusato di parecchi crimini di guerra e dei crimini contro umanità compreso: i massacres di 150 genti nella città di Kiwanja in 2008 nelle sue funzioni come capo del personale militare del congresso nazionale per la difesa della gente (CNDP), torturante e mortale dei centinaia dei civili di origine etnica di Ngiti e di Lendu fra l'agosto 2002 e marzo 2003 quando era capo dei funzionamenti militari dell'unione dei Patriots di Congolese (UPC), macellazione almeno di 800 civili per i motivi etnici a Mongbwalu, compreso il primo priest ucciso nel conflitto di Ituri, in Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, nell'uccisione di una guarda della pace di keniano NU nel gennaio 2004 e nel rapinare una guarda della pace marocchina più successivamente che anno e nel reclutamento dei soldati del bambino nella regione orientale di Ituri. Il MJPC sta invitando fortemente il governo di Congolese e il MONUC ad eseguire la garanzia di arresto pubblicata dal ICC contro Ntaganda.
Secondo il sig. Sekombo, il guasto nell'arresto di Bosco Ntaganda fin qui evidenzia la mancanza di serietà nel fare rispettare le garanzie di arresto pubblicate dal ICC e fortemente invita il ICC per fare riferimento il caso di Ntaganda al Consiglio di sicurezza di NU alle soluzioni del ritrovamento in conformità con l'articolo 87, divide 7 in paragrafi del Trattato di Roma.
Il MJPC sta richiedendo il Congo da prendere al Consiglio di sicurezza, poichè esige Kinshasa è nella violazione libera del trattato ICC che il Congo ha ratificato in 2002. Il ICC non può permettersi di ignorare la relativa responsabilità legale di segnalare questa materia " al Consiglio di sicurezza, “ha detto, aggiungente che il Consiglio di sicurezza avrebbe l'autorità per richiedere il Congo approntare tutte le misure correttive necessarie fare rispettare immediatamente tutte e garanzie di arresto ICC le.
Una petizione in linea è stata regolata sul chiedere ai cittadini interessati intorno al mondo di richiedere la missione di NU nel Congo conosciuto come MONUC ed il governo di Congolese per comportarsi decisivamente per fare rispettare le garanzie eccezionali di arresto ICC contro Ntaganda. La petizione può essere firmata a http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Circa MJPC
MJPC è un funzionamento di organizzazione senza scopo di lucro per aggiungere una voce nel sostenimento per la giustizia e la pace nel DRC particulary in ad est del DRC in cui il civile non colpevole di migliaia compreso i bambini e le donne continuano a soffrire le violazioni voluminose di diritti dell'uomo mentre i gruppi muniti responsabili di questi crimini vanno unpunished.
Scatti qui per leggere un articolo completo sul riferimento del Congo al Consiglio di sicurezza di NU se continua a sfidare all'esecuzione della garanzia di arresto del ICC contro Ntaganda da Makuba Sekombo
per le più informazioni sul MJPC e sulle relative attività, visitano http://www.mjpcongo.org. o chiamata Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 o E-maihi: info@mjpcongo.org. La petizione in linea che invita il governo di Congolese e il MONUC comportarsi decisivamente nel fare rispettare la garanzia eccezionale di arresto ICC contro Bosco Ntaganda può essere firmata a http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC drängt das ICC, um den Kongo auf die UNO (Sicherheit Rat) auf Ntaganda zu verweisen
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC drängt das ICC, um den Kongo auf die UNO (Sicherheit Rat) auf Ntaganda zu verweisen
„dort sind ernste Gefahren beim Fortfahren, der Kongo Herausforderung die Ermächtigung des Anhaltens ICC gegen Ntaganda zu erlauben; sein sendet eine falsche Anzeige und könnte verhängnisvolle Effekte in anderen Ländern " Sacramento
, Kalifornien, 14. April 2009 haben: Den Wert für die neu erstellte internationale Strafkammer zitierend (ICC) um eine impeccably unparteiische Anstalt zu bleiben, reiterierte das MJPC sein ersuchen um das ICC, um den Dr den Kongo auf den Sicherheit Rat für mögliche Sanktionen zu verweisen.
Das MJPC (Mobilisierung für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden im Kongo) warnte, daß im Kongo so anderwohin, in dem ICC wie ein neues internationales Instrument, zum des Rechtsgrundsatzes zu fördern und sicherzustellen, daß die ernstesten internationalen Verbrechen nicht gehen, unpunished, könnte seinen moralischen Wert schnell verlieren, wenn es konkrete Schritte nicht zum Anfang unternimmt, der seine Selbst herausgegebene Anhaltenermächtigungen erzwingt.
„Aufrichtig können das ICC nicht weg von den Dr den Kongo, bevor der Sicherheit Rat, damit seine fortfahrende sagte Ablehnung die hervorragende Ermächtigung des Anhaltens ICC gegen Ntaganda,“ Makuba Sekombo, Direktor für immer durchführt holen sich setzen der Gemeinschaftsangelegenheiten des MJPC, eine Organisation, die stark herausfordernde Ermächtigungen des Anhaltens ICC im Kongo kündigt. „Es gibt ernste Gefahren, beim Fortfahren, der Kongo Herausforderung diese Anhaltenermächtigung zu erlauben, seine sendet eine falsche Anzeige und könnte verhängnisvolle Effekte in anderen Ländern haben,“ addiertes Sekombo.
Ntaganda wird von einigen Kriegsverbrechen und von den Verbrechen gegen Menschlichkeit einschließlich beschuldigt: die Blutbäder von 150 Leuten in der Stadt von Kiwanja 2008 in seinen Aufgaben als militärischem Stabschef des Nationalkongresses für die Verteidigung der Leute (CNDP), quälend und tötet von den Hunderten Zivilisten Lendu und Ngiti Ethnicity zwischen August 2002 und März 2003, als er Leiter der militärischen Betriebe des Anschlußes der Congolese Patrioten (UPC) war, Schlachten von mindestens 800 Zivilisten auf ethnischem Boden bei Mongbwalu, einschließlich den ersten Priester getötet im Ituri Konflikt, in Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, einer Kenyan UNO Friedenstruppe im Januar 2004 später in töten und eine marokkanische Friedenstruppe in entführen die Jahr und im Einziehen der Kindsoldaten in der östlichen Region von Ituri. Das MJPC drängt stark die Congolese Regierung und das MONUC, die Anhaltenermächtigung durchzuführen, die durch das ICC gegen Ntaganda geherausgeben wird.
Nach Ansicht des Herrn. Sekombo, der Ausfall im Anhalten von Bosco Ntaganda hebt bis jetzt den Mangel an Ernsthaftigkeit hervor, wenn er die Anhaltenermächtigungen erzwingt, die durch das ICC geherausgeben werden und drängt stark das ICC, um den Fall von Ntaganda auf den UNO Sicherheit Rat auf Entdeckunglösungen in übereinstimmung mit Artikel 87 zu verweisen, in Paragraphen einteilen 7 des Vertrags von Rom.
Das MJPC verlangt genommen zu werden den dem Sicherheit Rat Kongo, da es Kinshasa ist in der freien Verletzung des Vertrags ICC behauptet, den der Kongo 2002 bestätigte. Das ICC können nicht sich leisten, seine gesetzliche Verantwortlichkeit zu ignorieren, über diese Angelegenheit " zum Sicherheit Rat zu berichten, „sagte er und addieren, daß der Sicherheit Rat die Berechtigung haben würde, zum von dem Kongo zu erfordern, alle notwendigen korrektiven Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, alle Ermächtigungen des Anhaltens sofort zu erzwingen ICC.
Eine on-line-Petition ist herauf das Bitten der beteiligten Bürger um die Welt, die UNO Mission im Kongo zu verlangen eingestellt worden, der als MONUC und die Congolese Regierung bekannt ist, um entscheidend zu fungieren, um die hervorragenden Ermächtigungen des Anhaltens ICC gegen Ntaganda zu erzwingen. Die Petition kann bei http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html unterzeichnet werden
Über MJPC
ist MJPC eine Organisationfunktion, zum einer Stimme beim Befürworten für Gerechtigkeit hinzuzufügen und Frieden im EAW, der in östlich EAW particulary ist, in dem unschuldiger Zivilist der Tausenden einschließlich Kinder und Frauen fortfahren, massive Verletzungen der menschlichen Rechte zu erleiden, während die bewaffneten Gruppen, die für diese Verbrechen verantwortlich sind, gehen, unpunished.
Klicken Sie hier, um einen vollen Artikel auf dem Verweisen von dem Kongo auf die UNO zu lesen, Sicherheit, die Rat, wenn er fortfährt, die Durchführung der Anhalten-Ermächtigung des ICC gegen Ntaganda herauszufordern durch Makuba Sekombo
zu mehr Information über das MJPC und seine Tätigkeiten, http://www.mjpcongo.org besuchen. oder Anruf Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 oder E-mail: info@mjpcongo.org. Die on-line-Petition, welche die Congolese Regierung und um das MONUC ersucht, wenn man die hervorragende Ermächtigung des Anhaltens entscheidend zu fungieren, ICC gegen Bosco Ntaganda erzwingt, kann bei http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html unterzeichnet werden
MJPC incita o ICC para consultar Congo aos UN (conselho de segurança) em Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC incita o ICC para consultar Congo aos UN (conselho de segurança) em Ntaganda
“lá é perigos sérios em continuar a permitir a defy de Congo a autorização da apreensão ICC de encontro a Ntaganda; seu emite uma mensagem errada e poderia ter efeitos desastrosos em outros países "
Sacramento, Califórnia, abril 14, 2009: Citing a importância para a corte Criminal internacional newly-created (ICC) para remanescer uma instituição impeccably imparcial, o MJPC reiterated o seu convida o ICC para consultar o Dr. Congo ao conselho de segurança para sanctions possíveis.
O MJPC (Mobilization para a justiça e a paz no Congo) advertiu que no Congo tão em outra parte, no ICC quanto um instrumento internacional novo para promover a régua de lei e para se assegurar de que os crimes internacionais os mais graves não fossem unpunished poderia rapidamente perder seu valor moral se não fizesse exame de etapas concretas ao começo que reforça seus próprios autorizações emitidas da apreensão.
“Frankly o ICC não puderam pôr fora para sempre de trazer o Dr. Congo antes que o conselho de segurança para que sua recusa continuando execute a autorização proeminente da apreensão ICC de encontro a Ntaganda,” disse Makuba Sekombo, diretor de casos do MJPC, uma organização da comunidade que denounces fortemente autorizações defying da apreensão ICC em Congo. “Há uns perigos sérios em continuar a permitir a defy de Congo esta autorização da apreensão, sua emite uma mensagem errada e poderia ter efeitos desastrosos em outros países,” Sekombo adicionado.
Ntaganda é acusado de diversos crimes de guerra e de crimes de encontro ao humanity including: os massacres de 150 povos na cidade de Kiwanja em 2008 em seus deveres como o chefe dos empregados militar do Congress nacional para a defesa dos povos (CNDP), torturando e matando das centenas dos civis da etnicidade de Lendu e de Ngiti entre agosto 2002 e março 2003 quando era chefe de operações militares da união dos Patriots de Congolese (UPC), slaughtering pelo menos de 800 civis em terras étnicas em Mongbwalu, including o primeiro priest matado no conflito de Ituri, em Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, em matar de um peacekeeper de Kenyan UN em janeiro 2004 e em sequestrar um peacekeeper Moroccan mais tarde que ano, e em recrutar soldados da criança na região oriental de Ituri. O MJPC está incitando fortemente o governo de Congolese e o MONUC executar a autorização da apreensão emitida pelo ICC de encontro a Ntaganda.
De acordo com o Sr. Sekombo, a falha na apreensão de Bosco Ntaganda à data destaca a falta do seriousness em reforçar as autorizações da apreensão emitidas pelo ICC e incita fortemente o ICC para consultar o exemplo de Ntaganda ao conselho de segurança dos UN às soluções do achado de acordo com o artigo 87, paragrafa 7 do tratado de Roma.
O MJPC está chamando-se para que Congo seja feito exame ao conselho de segurança, porque reivindica Kinshasa está na violação desobstruída do tratado ICC que Congo ratificou em 2002. O ICC não podem ter recursos para ignorar sua responsabilidade estatutária relatar esta matéria " ao conselho de segurança, “disse, adicionando que o conselho de segurança teria a autoridade para reque Congo fazer exame de todas as medidas corretivas necessárias reforçar imediatamente todas as autorizações da apreensão ICC.
Uma petição em linha foi ajustada acima de pedir que os cidadãos interessados em torno do mundo exijam a missão dos UN em Congo sabido como MONUC e o governo de Congolese para agir decisively para reforçar as autorizações proeminentes da apreensão ICC de encontro a Ntaganda. A petição pode ser assinada em http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Sobre MJPC
MJPC é um funcionamento da organização non-profit para adicionar uma voz em advogar para a justiça e a paz no manual do transportador particulary no leste do manual do transportador onde o civil inocente dos milhares including crianças e as mulheres continuam a sofrer violações maciças das direitas humanas quando os grupos armados responsáveis para estes crimes forem unpunished.
Estale aqui para ler um artigo cheio em consultar Congo aos UN o conselho de segurança que se continuar a defy a execução da autorização da apreensão do ICC de encontro a Ntaganda por Makuba Sekombo
para mais informação sobre o MJPC e suas atividades, visita http://www.mjpcongo.org. ou chamada Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 ou E-mais: info@mjpcongo.org. A petição em linha que convida o governo de Congolese e o MONUC agir decisively em reforçar a autorização proeminente da apreensão ICC de encontro a Bosco Ntaganda pode ser assinada em http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC manar ICCEN för att se Kongofloden till UNNA (säkerhetsrådet) på Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC manar ICCEN för att se Kongofloden till UNNA (säkerhetsrådet) på Ntaganda
”där är allvarliga faror, i att fortsätta som låter Kongofloden, trotsar berättigandet för gripande ICC mot Ntaganda; dess överför ett felt meddelande och kunde ha katastrofalt verkställer i andra länder "
Sacramento, Kalifornien, April 14, 2009: Citera betydelsen för den newly-created landskampbrottmålsdomstolen (ICC) för att återstå en impeccably opartisk institution, reiterated MJPCEN dess appell på ICCEN för att se DR-Kongofloden till säkerhetsrådet för möjlighetsanktioner.
MJPCEN (Mobilization för rättvisa och fred i Kongofloden) varnade, att i Kongofloden så någon annanstans, ICCEN, som en ny landskamp instrumenterar för att främja rättssäkerheten och för att se till att de mest gravest landskampbrotten inte går unpunished kunde snabbt förlora dess moral, värderar, om den inte tar, hårdnar kliver för att starta att upprätthålla dess egna utfärdade gripandeberättiganden.
”Frankly kan inte ICCEN sätta av för evigt som kommer med DR-Kongofloden, för säkerhetsrådet för att dess fortsätta vägran ska utföra det utstående berättigandet för gripande ICC mot Ntaganda,” sade Makuba Sekombo, direktör av gemenskapangelägenheter av MJPCEN, en organisation som skarpt kritisera starkt att trotsa berättiganden för gripande ICC i Kongofloden. ”Finns det allvarliga faror, i att fortsätta som låter Kongofloden, trotsar detta gripandeberättigande som är dess överför ett felt meddelande och kunde ha katastrofalt verkställer i andra länder,” tillfogade Sekombo.
Ntaganda anklagas av flera krigsbrott och brott mot mänsklighet däribland: massakrerna av 150 folk i townen av Kiwanja i 2008 i hans arbetsuppgiftar som den militära stabschefen av medborgarekongressen för försvar av folket (CNDP) som torterar och dödar av hundratals civilister av Lendu och Ngiti etnicitet mellan Augusti 2002 och mars 2003, när han var chefen av militära funktioner av unionen av kongolesiska patrioter (UPC), slakta av åtminstone 800 civilister på etnisk jordning på Mongbwalu, däribland den första prästen som dödas i den Ituri konflikten, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, döda av en kenyansk UN-fredsbevarare i Januari 2004 och kidnappa en mer sistnämnd marockansk fredsbevarare det år och rekrytera barnsoldater i den östliga regionen av Ituri. MJPCEN manar starkt den kongolesiska regeringen och MONUCEN för att utföra gripandeberättigandet som utfärdas av ICCEN mot Ntaganda.
Enligt Herr Sekombo felet i gripandet av Bosco Ntaganda markerar hitintills bristen av allvar, i att upprätthålla gripandeberättiganden som utfärdas av ICCEN, och manar starkt ICCEN för att se fallet av Ntaganda till UN-säkerhetsrådet till fyndlösningar i överensstämmelse med artikel 87, stycker 7 av romfördraget.
MJPCEN kallar för att Kongofloden tas till säkerhetsrådet, som den fordrar Kinshasa är i den klara kränkningen av fördrag ICC som Kongofloden ratificerade i 2002. ICCEN kan inte ha råd med för att ignorera dess lagstadgade ansvar att anmäla denna materia " till säkerhetsrådet, ”sade som han tillfogar att det skulle säkerhetsrådet har myndigheten som kräver Kongofloden att ta all nödvändigt korrigerande mäter för att upprätthålla alla berättigandena för gripande ICC omgående.
En on-line begäran har varit fastställda övre frågande angick medborgare runt om världen som begär UN-beskickningen i Kongofloden som är bekant som MONUC och den kongolesiska regeringen för att agera decisively för att upprätthålla de utstående berättigandena för gripande ICC mot Ntaganda. Begäran kan undertecknas på http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Om MJPC
är MJPC ett icke-kommersiellt organisationsarbete som tillfogar en uttrycka, i att förespråka för rättvisa, och fred i DRCEN som är particulary i öst av DRC, var barn och kvinnor för tusentals oskyldiga civila inklusive fortsätter för att lida den massiva ansvariga för grupper för mänsklig rättighetkränkningar stunder beväpnade för dessa brott, går unpunished.
Klicka här för att läsa en full artikel på att se Kongofloden till UNNA som säkerhetsrådet, om den fortsätter för att trotsa utförandet av gripandeberättigandet av ICCEN mot Ntaganda av Makuba Sekombo
för mer information om MJPCEN och dess aktiviteter, besöker http://www.mjpcongo.org. eller appell Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 eller e-post: info@mjpcongo.org. Den on-line begäran som kallar på den kongolesiska regeringen och MONUCEN för att agera decisively, i att upprätthålla det utstående berättigandet för gripande ICC mot Bosco Ntaganda, kan undertecknas på http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC принуждает ICC для того чтобы сослаться Конго к ООН (Совету безопасности) на Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC принуждает ICC для того чтобы сослаться Конго к ООН (Совету безопасности) на Ntaganda
«там будет серьезными опасностями в продолжать позволить defy Конго ордер на арест ICC против Ntaganda; сво посылает неправильное сообщение и смогл иметь губительные последствия в других странах "
Sacramento, California, 14-ое апреля 2009: Цитирующ важность для newly-created международного уголовного суда (ICC) для того чтобы остать impeccably нелицеприятным заведением, MJPC reiterated свое call on ICC для того чтобы сослаться DR Конго к Совету безопасности для по возможности санкций.
MJPC (мобилизация для правосудия и мира в Конго) предупредило что в Конго как в другом месте, ICC как новый документыа о международных соглашениях для того чтобы повысить торжество права и обеспечить что самые тягчайшие международные преступления не идут unpunished смогло быстро потерять свой моральныа ценности если оно не предпринимает меры конкретные к старту принуждая свои выданные ордеры на арест.
«Откровенно ICC не может положить с forever приносить DR Конго прежде чем Совет безопасности для своего продолжая неоказания для того чтобы исполнить выдающее ордер на арест ICC против Ntaganda,» сказал Makuba Sekombo, директор общественных дел MJPC, организации которая сильно денонсирует defying ордеры на арест ICC в Конго. «Будут серьезные опасности в продолжать позволить defy Конго это ордер на арест, свое посылают неправильное сообщение и смогли иметь губительные последствия в других странах,» добавленное Sekombo.
Ntaganda обвинено нескольких военных преступления и преступление против человечества включая: massacres 150 людей в городке Kiwanja в 2008 в его обязанностях как воинское начальник штаба народного собрания для обороны людей (CNDP), пытая и убивая сотни civilians ethnicity Lendu и Ngiti между августами 2002 и мартов 2003 когда он был вождем воинских деятельностей соединения патриотов Congolese (UPC), зарезать по крайней мере 800 civilians на этнических землях на Mongbwalu, включая первый священника убитый в конфликте Ituri, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, убивать peacekeeper ООН Kenyan в январе 2004 и kidnapping морокканское peacekeeper более поздно которое год, и завербовывать воинов ребенка в восточной зоне Ituri. MJPC сильно принуждает, что правительство Congolese и MONUC исполняет ордер на арест выданное ICC против Ntaganda.
Согласно гу-н. Sekombo, отказ в арестовании Bosco Ntaganda to date выделяет отсутсвие серьезности в принуждать ордеры на арест выданные ICC и сильно принуждает ICC для того чтобы сослаться случай Ntaganda к Совету Безопасности ООН к разрешениям находки в соответствии с статьей 87, разделяет на абзацы 7 из договора Rome.
MJPC вызывает для Конго, котор нужно принять к Совету безопасности, по мере того как оно требует Kinshasa находится в явное нарушение договора ICC который Конго ратифицировала в 2002. ICC не может позволять для того чтобы проигнорировать свою ОН скульптурно ответственность сообщить это дело " к Совету безопасности, «он сказал, добавляя что Совет безопасности будет иметь авторитет для того чтобы требовать, что Конго приняла все обязательно мероприятия для поправки принудить все ордеры на арест ICC немедленно.
Online ходатайство было установлено вверх по спрашивать, что concerned граждане вокруг мира потребовали полету ООН в Конго известную как MONUC и правительство Congolese для того чтобы подействовать, что решительно принудило выдающие ордеры на арест ICC против Ntaganda. Ходатайство можно подписать на http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
О MJPC
MJPC будет деятельностью бесприбыльная организачии для того чтобы добавить голос в защищать для правосудия и мир в DRC particulary в east of DRC где civilian тысяч невиновный включая детей и женщины продолжаются вытерпеть массивнейшие нарушения прав человека пока вооруженные группы ответственные для этих злодеяний идут unpunished.
Щелкните здесь для того чтобы прочитать полную статью на ссылаться Конго к Совету Безопасности ООН если она продолжается defy исполнение ордера на арест ICC против Ntaganda Makuba Sekombo
для больше информации о MJPC и своих деятельностях, то посетите http://www.mjpcongo.org. или звонок Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 или и-мэйла: info@mjpcongo.org. Online ходатайство call on правительство Congolese и MONUC подействовать решительно в принуждать выдающее ордер на арест ICC против Bosco Ntaganda можно подписать на http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
MJPC spoort ICC aan om de Kongo naar de V.N. (Veiligheidsraad) op Ntaganda door te verwijzen
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
MJPC spoort aan ICC om de Kongo naar de V.N. (Veiligheidsraad) op Ntaganda „
door te verwijzen Er ernstige gevaren in het blijven toestaan zijn de Kongo het ICC arrestatiebevel tegen Ntaganda tart; zijn verzendt een verkeerd bericht en kon rampzalige gevolgen in andere landen " Sacramento
, Californië, 14 April, 2009 hebben: Aanhalend het belang voor het pas gecreëerde Internationale Misdadige Hof (ICC) om een impeccably onpartijdige instelling te blijven, herhaalde MJPC zijn ICC uitnodig om DR. de Kongo naar de Veiligheidsraad voor mogelijke sancties door te verwijzen.
MJPC (Mobilisering voor Rechtvaardigheid en Vrede in de Kongo) waarschuwde ervoor dat in de Kongo zo elders, ICC zoals een nieuw internationaal instrument om de rechtsstaat en ervoor te zorgen dat te bevorderen de ernstigste internationale misdaden niet unpunished gaan zijn morele waarde kon snel verliezen als het geen concrete maatregelen aan begin afdwingend zijn eigen uitgegeven arrestatiebevelen treft.
„Eerlijk gezegd niet kan ICC voor altijd het brengen van DR. de Kongo voor de Veiligheidsraad voor zijn voortdurende weigering uitstellen om het opmerkelijke ICC arrestatiebevel tegen Ntaganda uit te voeren,“ bovengenoemde Makuba Sekombo, Directeur van Communautaire Zaken van MJPC, een organisatie die sterk het tarten van ICC arrestatiebevelen in de Kongo aan de kaak stelt. „Er zijn ernstige gevaren in het blijven toestaan de Kongo dit arrestatiebevel tart, zijn verzendt een verkeerd bericht en kon rampzalige gevolgen in andere landen hebben,“ toegevoegde Sekombo.
Ntaganda wordt beschuldigd van verscheidene oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen het mensdom met inbegrip van: de slachtingen van 150 mensen in de stad van Kiwanja in 2008 in zijn plichten als militaire leider van personeel van het Nationale Congres voor de Defensie van de Mensen (CNDP), het martelen en het doden van honderden burgers van het behoren tot een bepaald ras Lendu en Ngiti tussen Augustus 2002 en Maart 2003 toen hij van militaire acties van de Unie van Kongolese Patriotten (UPC) belangrijkst was, het slachten van minstens 800 burgers op etnische gronden in Mongbwalu, met inbegrip van de eerste priester gedood in het conflict Ituri, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga, het doden van een Keniaans vredeskorps van de V.N. in Januari 2004 en het ontvoeren van een Marokkaans vredeskorps later dat jaar, en het aanwerven van kindmilitairen in het oostelijke gebied van Ituri. MJPC sterk spoort de Kongolese Overheid en MONUC aan om het arrestatiebevel uit te voeren dat door ICC tegen Ntaganda wordt uitgegeven.
Volgens M. Sekombo, de mislukking in de arrestatie van Bosco Ntaganda benadrukt tot op heden het gebrek aan ernst in het afdwingen van arrestatiebevelen die door ICC worden uitgegeven en spoort sterk ICC aan om het geval van Ntaganda naar de Veiligheidsraad van de V.N. door te verwijzen Om oplossingen overeenkomstig Artikel 87, paragraaf 7 van het Verdrag van Rome te vinden.
MJPC verzoekt dat de Kongo wordt genomen aan de Veiligheidsraad, aangezien het eist Kinshasa in duidelijke schending van het ICC verdrag is dat de Kongo in 2002 bekrachtigde. ICC kan zich veroorloven niet om zijn statutaire verantwoordelijkheid te negeren om deze kwestie " aan de Veiligheidsraad te melden, „hij zei, toevoegend dat de Veiligheidsraad het gezag zou hebben om de Kongo te vereisen om alle noodzakelijke correctieve maatregelen te treffen om alle ICC arrestatiebevelen onmiddellijk af te dwingen.
Een online verzoek is opgezet vragend betrokken burgers rond de wereld om de Opdracht van de V.N. in de Kongo te eisen die als MONUC en de Kongolese Overheid wordt bekend ontegenzeglijk handelen om de ICC opmerkelijke arrestatiebevelen tegen Ntaganda af te dwingen. Het verzoek kan in http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html worden ondertekend
Ongeveer is
MJPC MJPC een organisatie die zonder winstbejag een stem in het bepleiten voor rechtvaardigheid en vrede in DRC werkt toe te voegen particulary in het oosten van DRC waar de duizenden onschuldige burger met inbegrip van kinderen en de vrouwen aan massieve rechten van de mensschendingen blijven lijden terwijl de bewapende groepen verantwoordelijk voor deze misdaden unpunished gaan.
Klik hier om een volledig artikel te lezen bij het doorverwijzen van de Kongo naar de Veiligheidsraad van de V.N. Als het de uitvoering van het Arrestatiebevel van ICC tegen Ntaganda door Makuba Sekombo blijft tarten
voor meer informatie over MJPC en zijn activiteiten, http://www.mjpcongo.org bezoeken. of vraag Makuba Sekembo @ 1 408 806 3644 of e-mail: info@mjpcongo.org. Het online verzoek dat de Kongolese Overheid en MONUC uitnodigt om ontegenzeglijk in het afdwingen van het opmerkelijke ICC arrestatiebevel tegen Bosco Ntaganda te handelen kan in http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html worden ondertekend
[مجبك] يعجّل ال [إيكّ] أن يرجع كونغو إلى المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة (أمن مجلس) على [نتغندا]
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
[مجبك] يعجّل ال [إيكّ] أن يرجع كونغو إلى المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة (أمن مجلس) على [نتغندا]
"هناك أخطار جدّيّة في يستمرّ أن يسمح كونغو التّحدّي ال [إيكّ] إعتقال أمر ضدّ [نتغندا]; ه يرسل رسالة خاطئة واستطاع يتلقّى تأثيرات مشؤومة في أخرى بلاد "
سكرامنتو, كاليفورنيا, أبريل - نيسان 14, 2009: يذكر الأهمية لالمحكمة جنائيّة [نول-كرتد] دوليّة ([إيكّ]) أن يبقى مؤسسة متجرّدة [إيمبكّبلي], كرّس ال [مجبك] ه [كلّ ون] ال [إيكّ] أن يرجع الدكتورة كونغو إلى الأمن مجلس ل يمكن عقوبات.
حذّر ال [مجبك] (تعبئة لعدل وسلام في كونغو) أنّ في كونغو مثل في مكان آخر, ال [إيكّ] بما أنّ جهاز جديدة دوليّة أن يروّج ال [رول وف لو] وضمنت أنّ الجرائم [غرفست] دوليّة لا يذهبون [أونبونيشد] استطاع سريعا خسرت قيمته أخلاقية إن هو لا يأخذ [ستبس] مادّيّة إلى بداية ينفذ ه خاصّة يصدر إعتقال أوامر.
"بصراحة ال [إيكّ] يستطيع لا يضع من دائما يحضر الدكتورة كونغو قبل أن الأمن قال مجلس ل ه يستمرّ رفض أن ينفّذ البارزة [إيكّ] إعتقال أمر ضدّ [نتغندا]," [مكوبا] [سكومبو], مديرة من جماعة شؤون من ال [مجبك], تنظيم أنّ بقوّة يشجب يتحدّى [إيكّ] إعتقال أوامر في كونغو. "هناك أخطار جدّيّة في يستمرّ أن يسمح كونغو التّحدّي هذا إعتقال أمر, ه يرسل رسالة خاطئة واستطاع يتلقّى تأثيرات مشؤومة في أخرى بلاد," يضاف [سكومبو].
[نتغندا] اتّهمت من عدّة جريمة حرب وجرائم ضدّ إنسانية بما في ذلك: المذابح من 150 الناس في المدينة [كيونجا] في 2008 في واجب رسمه ك [شف وف ستفّ] عسكريّة من ال [نأيشنل كنغرسّ] للدفاع من الالناس ([كندب]), يعذّب ويقتل من مئات المدنيات من [لندو] و [نجتي] عرقية بين أغسطس - آب 2002 ومارس - آذار 2003 عندما كان هو رئيس من عمليات عسكريّة من الإتحاد من [كنغلس] وطنيات ([أوبك]), يذبح من على الأقلّ 800 مدنيات على أراضي عرقيّة في [مونغبولو], بما في ذلك الكاهن أولى يقتل في [إيتثري] نزاع, [أبّ] [بونيفس] [بونلونغ], يقتل من [كنن] منظّمة الأمم المتّحدة [بسكيبر] في يناير - كانون الثّاني 2004 ويخطف [بسكيبر] مغربيّة فيما بعد أنّ سنة, ويجنّد طفلة جنديات في المنطقة شرقيّة من [إيتثري]. يعجّل ال [مجبك] بقوّة [كنغلس] حكومة و [مونوك] أن ينفّذ الإعتقال أمر يصدر ب ال [إيكّ] ضدّ [نتغندا].
وفقا ل [مر.]. يركّز [سكومبو], الإخفاق في الإعتقال [بوسك] [نتغندا] [تو دت] الافتقار الجدّيّة في ينفذ إعتقال أوامر يصدر ب ال [إيكّ] وبقوّة يعجّل ال [إيكّ] أن يرجع الحالة [نتغندا] إلى المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة أمن مجلس إلى اكتشاف حلول وفق مادة 87, يفقّر 7 من المعاهدة روما.
يدعو ال [مجبك] لكونغو أن يكون أخذت إلى الأمن مجلس, بما أنّ هو يدّعي [كينشسا] يكون في انتهاك واضحة من ال [إيكّ] معاهدة أيّ كونغو أجاز في 2002. ال [إيكّ] يستطيع لا يمكن أن يتجاهل مسؤوليته تشريعيّة أن يفيد هذا أمر " إلى الأمن مجلس, "قال هو, يضيف أنّ الأمن مجلس تلقّى السلطة أن يتطلّب كونغو أن يأخذ كلّ إجراءات ضروريّة إصلاحيّة أن ينفذ كلّ [إيكّ] إعتقال أوامر فورا.
ثبتت عريضة متوفّر على شبكة الإنترنات يتلقّى يكون فوق يسأل يقلق مواطنات حول العالم أن يطلب المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة مهمة في كونغو يعرف ك [مونوك] [كنغلس] حكومة أن يتصرّف فصلا أن ينفذ ال [إيكّ] بارزة إعتقال أوامر ضدّ [نتغندا]. العريضة يستطيع كنت وقعت في http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
حول [مجبك]
[مجبك] [نون-بروفيت ورغنيزأيشن] عمل أن يضيف صوة في يدافع لعدل و [أونبونيشد] سلام في ال [درك] [برتيكلري] في ال [إست وف] [درك] حيث آلاف مدنية بريئة بما في ذلك أطفال ونساء يستمرّ أن يعاني ضخمة حقوق الإنسان انتهاكات بينما مجموعة مسلّحة مسؤولة ل هذا جرائم يذهبون.
طقطقت هنا أن يقرأ يشبع مادة على يرجع كونغو إلى المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة أمن مجلس إن هو يستمرّ أن يتحدّى التنفيذ من الإعتقال أمر من ال [إيكّ] ضدّ [نتغندا] ب [مكوبا] [سكومبو]
ل كثير معلومة حول ال [مجبك] وأنشطته, يزور http://www.mjpcongo.org. أو دعوة [مكوبا] [سكمبو] @ 1 408 806 3644 أو بريد إلكترونيّ: [إينفومجبكنغ.ورغ]. العريضة متوفّر على شبكة الإنترنات [كلّ ون] [كنغلس] حكومة و [مونوك] أن يتصرّف فصلا في ينفذ البارزة [إيكّ] إعتقال أمر ضدّ [بوسك] [نتغندا] يستطيع كنت وقعت في http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Related to country: Congo, DR
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L'échec dans l'arrestation de Bosco Ntaganda jusqu'à présent met en évidence le manque du sérieux dans le renforcement de mandats d'arrêt délivrés par la CPI. Si la CPI trouve que le cas de Ntaganda a atteint l'impasse dans la coopération avec l'Etat Congolais, qu'elle défère ce cas au Conseil de Securité de l'ONU pour y trouver solution, en accord avec article 87, paragraphe 7 du Traité de Rome
L'Etat Congolais manipule-t-il la CPI pour une motivation politique?
Après la création de la CPI en 2002, beaucoup de gens ont eu l'espoir que la CPI va inaugurer une nouvelle période de la responsabilité internationale pour les graves violations des droits humains, en veillant pour que les coupables soient traduits en justice. C'est pour la même raison que certains fondateurs de la CPI ont anticipé qu'en mettant fin à l'impunité, la CPI va dissuader les futures attrocités. Cette promesse a créé l'espoir pour beaucoup de gens, y compris notre organisation, La Mobilisation pour la Justice et la Paix au Congo qui lutte pour la promotion de la justice et la paix en RDC, en combatant rigoureusement l'impunité.
Avec tout désespoir au peuple congolais, le gouvernement Congolais a préféré ne pas arrêter Bosco Ntaganda mais plutot l'intégrer dans les forces Armées Congolaises sur pretexte de préserver la sécurité nationale et le processus de la paix nationale. Selon l'expréssion du ministre congolais de la justice, Emmanuel-Janvier Luzolo: "Dans la pratique judiciaire d'un État, il ya des moments où les exigences de la paix emportent sur les besoins traditionnels de la justice". Bien entendu ici, le gouvernement Congolais a opté de jouer la politique, étouffer la justice, inhiber le développement démocratique qui permettra le Congo de devenir un Etat de Droits. Cette décision n'est pas pour l'intérêt du peuple congolais. Elle a emprunté l'hypothèse autrefois utilisée par le critique de l'arrestation de Thomas Lubanga et que le gouvernement congolais lui-même avait rejetée. L'hypothèse selon laquelle, l'arrestation et l'extradition de ce dernier à la CPI créérait plus de conflicts et handicaperait le processus de paix et reconciliation nationale. L'évidence parle pour soi-même, le cas de Thomas Lubanga est devenu un example classique qui prouve que L'arrestation de Bosco Ntaganda n'aura aucune répercussion sur le processus de paix comme le gouvernement congolais l'a soulevé. D'ailleurs le moment actuel est plus propice pour une telle requête que le temps de l'arrestation de Thomas Lubanga; un temps qui était plus conflictuel et plus dangereux. Malgré tout, la prédiction de critique ne s'est jamais matérialisée.
Si le gouvernement congolais continue à maintenir cette position, n'est-il pas le temps pour la Cour Penale Internationale ou Le conseil de Securité de Nations-Unies, de prendre d'autre précaution enfin de permettre la justice d'achèver sa cours? La CPI, fait-elle encore d'effort d'arrêter Bosco Ntganda ou utilise-t-elle d'autres provisions en sa disposition enfin d'honorer sa décision?
Il est important pour la CPI de faire tout pour préserver sa crédibilité
L'organisation non gouvernementale canadienne "The International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development" a une fois averti que si certains Etats sont en mesure d'utiliser la CPI pour leurs motivations politiques, ou si certaines personnes sont au-delà de la portée de la CPI en raison de leur position au sein d'un Etat, la Cour va perdre de la crédibilité, les droits de l'homme vont continuer d'être violés, et le développement démocratique sera étouffé. (1)
C'est déplorable qu'aujourdhui le Cas du prétendu crimenel de guerre et criminel contre l'humanité, Bosco Ntaganda, ne devienne un cas qui rélève que cette prédiction de cette organisation de droits humains se réalise sous les yeux du monde entier et met en évidence la cridibilité de l'auguste CPI est aujourdhui testée; et qu'elle-même, de défendre sa crédibilité, son bien fondé et son essence.
Le 29 avril 2008, la Chambre préliminaire de la CPI a levé les scellés d'un mandat d'arrêt contre M. Bosco Ntaganda, l'ancien adjoint du chef de l'Etat-major général des Forces patriotiques pour la libération du Congo (FPLC) en Ituri, et l'actuel chef d'Etat-major du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), groupe armé dans le Nord-Kivu en RDC. Le mandat d'arrêt énumère trois crimes de guerre: 1) l'enrôlement d'enfants de moins de quinze ans; 2) la conscription d'enfants de moins de quinze ans, et 3) l'utilisation d'enfants de moins de quinze ans à participer activement à des hostilités. Mais aussi, les nouveaux crimes commis au Nord Kivu ne sont pas encore enregistrés et il est temps que le Procureur de la Cour fasse la mise au jour des horribles actes perpetrés sous son commendement à Kiwanja,par exemple, où 150 civils ont été massacrés.
En fait, il semple qu'après la levée de scellés de mandat d'arrêt contre Bosco Ntaganda, Le 29 avril 2008, la Court Penale Internationale en tant qu'institution qui veille à l'impunité, n' a rien fait comme étape suivante pour donner la valeur à son mandat d'arrêt et prouver au gouvernement congolais et au criminel impliqué que sa décision n'est pas un fait d'un jugement incohérent. N'y a-t-il pas de mécanisme à recourrir si elle s'est heurté devant le manque de coopération de l'Etat Congolais?
L'implication du Conseil de Sécurité de l"ONU semble être inévitable si le mandat d'arrêt doit contre Ntaganda a été délivré pour être exécuté.
Il est fort inconcevable que la CPI a oublié qu'en cas d'impasse l'article 17, alinea 3 de l'Accord Négocié régissant les relations entre la CPI et l'ONU, puisse être évoqué par Le Greffier de la CPI afin d'impliquer le Conseil de Sécurité de l'ONU, par l'intremise de son Sécrétaire Général, dans la recherche de résolutions. Voici ce que dit l'Art 17 de ce même accord:
"Lorsqu'ayant été saisie par le Conseil de sécurité, la Cour constate, conformement à l'article 87, paragraphe 5(b) et paragraphe 7, du statut, qu'un Etat se refuse à coopérer avec elle, elle en informe le Conseil de Securité ou lui défère la question, selon le cas, et le Greffier communique le Conseil de Sécurité, par l'entremise du Secrétaire général, la décision de la Cour et les informations pertinentes sur l'affaire. Le Conseil de Securité, par l'entremise du Secrétaire général, porte à la connaissance de la Cour, par l'entremise de son Greffier, toute mesure qu'il prend en l'espece" (2)
Si la CPI trouve que ce cas Ntaganda a atteint l'impasse dans la coopération avec l'Etat Congolais, qu'elle défère ce cas au Conseil de Securité de l'ONU pour y trouver solution, en accord avec article 87, paragraphe 7 du Traité de Rome:
"Si un Etat Partie n'accède pas à une demande de coopération contrairement à ce que prévoit le présent Statut et l'empêche ainsi d'exercer les fonctions et pouvoirs que lui confère le présent Statut, la Cour peut en prendre acte et en referer à l'Assemblée des Etats Parties ou au Conseil de Securité lorsque c'est celui qui l'a saisie."(3)
L'échec de la MONUC de prendre des mesures contre un criminel de guerre inculpé est en contradiction avec leur mission au Congo parce que la paix et la justice vont main dans la main.
Le silence de l'ONU semble impliquer sa complicité dans cette perpetuité de l'impunité au Congo! Si cela n'est pas vrai, pourquoi Le Conseil de securité n'autorise pas la CPI d'utiliser les 17000 troupes de MONUC pour arrêter Bosco Ntaganda?
Avant tout, il convient de rappeler que l'Article 8 de l'Accord Négocie régissant les relations entre la CPI et l'ONU prévoit que les deux institutions doivent se consulter, coopérer et même s'échanger du personnel et services. L'Article 8.2(b) dit clairement que l'ONU et la CPI conviennent de coopérer en vue de l'échange temporaire de personnel lorsqu'il convient, sans que celui-ci ne perde ses droits d'ancieneté ni ses droits à pension. Cela veut dire qu'il est légal et admissible que le personnel de l'ONU puisse travailler pour renforcer le mandat d'arrêt de la CPI.
Le rôle de l'Organisation des Nations Unies en tant que garant de la securité internationale semble se transformer en complaisant des criminels, violateurs de droits humains.
Il est déplorable de rémarquer que la Mission de Nations Unies au Congo, la plus grande au monde, MONUC, qui compte parmi son personnel: 16,601 soldats, 737 observateurs militaries, 1093 policiens et 965 civils specialistes en matière de droits humains et affaires humanitaires sans compter son personnel local et volontaire; avec un budget annuel de 1.243 million de Dollars americains; démeure infertile dans la dissuasion des attrocités perpetrées sur la population civile et son incapacité d'arrêter le présumé criminel de guerre, Bosco Ntaganda. Le rôle de l'Organisation des Nations Unies en tant que garant de la securité internationale semble se transformer en complaisant des criminels, violateurs de droits humains.
Le 30 Janvier 2009, la MONUC a exprimé ouvertement, pendant une conférence de presse, au moment de l'opération militaire conjointe RDC-Rwanda, qu'elle ne participara pas dans une opération dans laquelle Bosco Ntaganda, présumé criminel de guerre et criminel contre l'humanité, joue un role quelconque. (4). Décevant aujourdhui, la source crédible allégue que la même MONUC participe dans une opération conjointe (MONUC-FARDC), avec Ndaganda comme un co-coordinateur, selon BBC.(5)
Au Congo, comme ailleurs, la CPI comme instrument international dans la lutte contre l'impunité et d'empêcher des atrocités pourrait rapidement perdre sa valeur si elle ne pas prend des mesures concrètes pour commencer à faire appliquer ses propres mandats d'arrêt.
Pas de doutes aujourd'hui, certaines personnes voient l'échec dans l'arrestation de Bosco Ntaganda comme un manque de volonté politique du Conseil de securité de l'ONU, une pure et simple complicité complaisante et un refus coupable de l'ONU de jouer son rôle impartial dans la défense de la justice et l''irradication de l'impunité, le fléau qui ravage la vie humaine et qui pérennise les violations des droits humains au congo en particulier et en Afrique en général. Il est aussi l'épreuve à laquelle est soumise la Cour Pénale Internationale pour prouver au monde son bien fondé, son efficacité, sa consistance ainsi que son impartialité dans l'exercise de ses prérogatives. Le monde attend patiemment et attentivement les actions de ces deux institutions afin que la justice soit faite au Congo, les criminels de guerre Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware et autres soient arrêtés et tranferrés à la Haye pour répondre à leurs acts abominables.
Il est impératif pour le premier tribunal international permanent de garder une certaine impartialité impeccable pour prévenir ou réduire au minimum le risque de se laisser prendre au piège par les mêmes auteurs de violations des droits humains qu'elle a été créée pour pour tenir responsables. Pourquoi Bosco Ntaganda, le notoire criminel de guerre et de crime contre humanité demeure aujourdhui libre pendant que ses trois collaborateurs, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga et Thomas Lubanga sont aujourdhui derrière les barres? Son état de liberté, n'est-il pas un signe de manque du sérieux dans le renforcement des décisions de la Cour Penale Internatinale et le manque d'engagement du Conseil de Securité de Nations Unies de veiller sur les décisions d'une institution chère qu'il a juré sa création et juré d'aider à la réalisation de sa mission. Est-il une ironie quand ces états fondateurs, le Conseil de Securité de l'ONU, disent que l'engagement pris à Rome de mettre un terme àl'impunité n'est pas négociable!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO est le Directeur des Affaires Communautaires de la Mobilisation pour la Justice et la Paix en RD Congo (MJPC), une organisation qui dénonce fortement la decision du Président KABILA de défier le mandat d'arrêt de la Court Penale Internationale à l'encontre du criminel de guerre et criminel contre l'humanité. La MPJC a une pétition en ligne appelant à l'arrestation immediate de NTAGANDA qui peut être signée à
http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Pour de plus amples informations sur la MJPC et de ses activités, visitez le wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org ; ou appelez Makuba T. SEKOMBO
au 1 408.806 3644 ou e-mail
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Someter el RD el Congo al Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU si sigue desafiando la Ejecución de la Orden de detención del IAPSC contra Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
El fracaso en la detención de Bosco Ntaganda la falta hasta ahora pone de relieve de la seriedad en el refuerzo de órdenes de detención entregadas por el IAPSC. ¿Si el IAPSC encuentra lo que de Ntaganda alcanzó el callejón sin salida en la cooperación con el Estado Congolés, somete lo que ella este caso de Seguridad de la ONU para encontrar solución, de acuerdo con apartado 7 del artículo el caso 87 al Consejo del Tratado de Roma
el Estado Congolés dirige al IAPSC para una motivación política?
Después de la creación del IAPSC en 2002, mucha gente tuvo la esperanza que el IAPSC va a inaugurar un nuevo período de la responsabilidad internacional para las graves violaciones de los derechos humanos, velando para que los culpables estén traducidos en juicio. Es por la misma razón que algunos fundadores del IAPSC anticiparon que al poner fin a la impunidad, el IAPSC va a disuadir los futuros attrocités. Esta promesa creó la esperanza para mucha gente, incluida nuestra organización, la Movilización para la Justicia y la Paz en el Congo que lucha por la promoción de la justicia y la paz en RDC, combatant rigurosamente la impunidad.
Con toda desesperación al pueblo congolesa, el Gobierno Congolés prefirió no detener a Bosco Ntaganda pero más bien integrarlo en las fuerzas Ejércitos Congoleses sobre pretexto de preservar la seguridad nacional y el proceso de la paz nacional. Según la expresión del Ministro congolés de Justicia, Emmanuel-Enero Luzolo: “En la práctica judicial de un Estado, él ya de los momentos en que las exigencias de la paz se llevan sobre las necesidades tradicionales de la justicia”. Por supuesto aquí, el Gobierno Congolés optó de jugar la política, obstruir la justicia, inhibir el desarrollo democrático que permitirá el Congo convertirse en un Estado de Derechos. Esta decisión no es para el interés del pueblo congolés. Pidió prestada la hipótesis antes utilizada por la crítica de la detención de Thomas Lubanga y que el propio Gobierno congolés había rechazado. La hipótesis según la cual, la detención y la extradición de este último al IAPSC créérait más conflicts y dificultaría el proceso de paz y reconciliación nacional. La evidencia habla para sí mismo, el caso de Thomas Lubanga se convirtió en un example clásico que prueba que la detención de Bosco Ntaganda no tendrá ninguna repercusión sobre el proceso de paz como el Gobierno congolés lo levantó. Por otra parte el momento actual es más propicio para tal petición que el tiempo de la detención de Thomas Lubanga; un tiempo que era más conflictual y más peligroso. A pesar de todo, la predicción de crítica nunca se ha materializado.
¿Si el Gobierno congolés sigue manteniendo este punto de vista, no es el tiempo para el Tribunal Penal Internacional o el consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, de tomar de otra precaución por fin permitir la justicia acabar su curso? ¿El IAPSC, hace aún de esfuerzo de detener a Bosco Ntganda o utiliza otras provisiones en su disposición por fin de honrar su decisión?
Es importante que el IAPSC haga para preservar todo su credibilidad
la organización no gubernamental canadiense “The International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development” una vez informó que si algunos Estados están en condiciones de utilizar el IAPSC para sus motivaciones políticas, o si algunas personas están más allá del alcance del IAPSC debido a su posición en un Estado, el Tribunal va a perder de la credibilidad, violándose los derechos humanos van a seguir, y se obstruirá el desarrollo democrático. (1)
es deplorable que aujourdhui el Caso del pretendido crimenel de guerra y criminal contra la humanidad, Bosco Ntaganda, no se convierta en un caso quien destacado que esta predicción de esta organización de derechos humanos se realiza bajo los ojos del mundo entero y pone de relieve se prueba el cridibilité del augusto IAPSC aujourdhui; y que ella misma, de defender su credibilidad, su fundamento y su gasolina.
El 29 de abril de 2008, la Habitación preliminar del IAPSC aumentó los sellos de una orden de detención contra el Sr. Bosco Ntaganda, el antiguo suplente del jefe del Estado Mayor general de las Fuerzas patrióticas para la liberación de Congo (FPLC) en Ituri, y el actual jefe de Estado Mayor del Congreso nacional por la defensa del pueblo (CNDP), grupo armado en el Nord-Kivu en RDC. La orden de detención enumera tres crímenes de guerra: 1) el alistamiento de niños menor de quince años; 2) el reclutamiento de niños menor de quince años, y 3) la utilización de niños menor de quince próximos años activamente en hostilidades. Pero también, no se registran aún los nuevos crímenes cometidos al Norte Kivu y ha tiempo que el Fiscal del Tribunal haga la puesta al día de los horribles actos perpetrados bajo su commendement a Kiwanja, por ejemplo, dónde se destrozó a 150 civiles.
En realidad, él semple que después del levantamiento de sellos de orden de detención contra Bosco Ntaganda, El 29 de abril de 2008, el Tribunal Penal Internacional como institución que vela por la impunidad, no tiene nada hace como etapa siguiente para dar el valor a su orden de detención y probar al Gobierno congolés y al criminal implicado que su decisión no es un hecho de un juicio incoherente. ¿No hay mecanismo recourrir si se chocó ante la falta de cooperación del Estado Congolés?
La implicación del Consejo de Seguridad de l " ONU parece ser inevitable si la orden de detención debe contra Ntaganda se entregó realizarse.
Es muy inconcebible que el IAPSC olvidó que en caso de callejón sin salida el artículo 17, párrafo 3 del Acuerdo Negociado regulando las relaciones entre el IAPSC y la ONU, pueda ser mencionado por el Secretario del IAPSC con el fin de implicar el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, por el intremise de su Secretario General, en la búsqueda de Resoluciones. Ahí tienes lo que dice el Arte 17 de este mismo acuerdo:
“Cuando agarrando por el Consejo de Seguridad, el Tribunal constata, de conformidad con lo dispuesto en el apartado 5 del artículo 87 (b) y apartado 7, del estatuto, que un Estado se niega a cooperar con ella, informa al Consejo de Seguridad o le somete la cuestión, según el caso, y el Secretario comunica al Consejo de Seguridad, por la mediación del Secretario General, la decisión del Tribunal y la información pertinente sobre el asunto. De Seguridad, por la mediación del Secretario General, puerta al conocimiento del Tribunal, por la mediación de su Secretario, toda medida que adopta en la especie " (2) si
el IAPSC encuentra que este caso Ntaganda alcanzó el callejón sin salida en la cooperación con el Estado Congolés, que somete este caso de Seguridad de la ONU para encontrar solución, de acuerdo con apartado 7 del artículo el Consejo 87 al Consejo del Tratado de Roma:
“Si el Estado Parte no accede no a el demanda de cooperación contrariamente a esto que preve el presente Estatuto y le impide así ejercer las funciones y poderes que le confiere el presente Estatuto, el Tribunal puede tomar nota y referir a la Asamblea de los Estados Partes o al Consejo de Seguridad cuando es el que lo introducción de datos. ” (3)
el fracaso del MONUC de tomar medidas contra un criminal de guerra acusado está en contradicción con su misión en el Congo porque la paz y la justicia van mano en la mano.
¡El silencio de la ONU parece implicar su complicidad en este perpetuidad de la impunidad en el Congo! ¿Si eso no es verdadero, por qué el Consejo de seguridad no autoriza al IAPSC de utilizar las 17000 tropas de MONUC para detener a Bosco Ntaganda?
Sobre todo, conviene recordar que el Artículo 8 del Acuerdo negocia que regula las relaciones entre el IAPSC y la ONU preve que las dos instituciones deban consultarse, cooperar e intercambiarse incluso del personal y servicios. El Artículo 8.2 (b) dice claramente que la ONU y el IAPSC convienen cooperar para el intercambio temporal de personal cuando conviene, sin que éste pierda sus derechos de antigüedad ni sus derechos a pensión. Eso quiere decir que es legal y admisible que el personal de la ONU pueda trabajar para reforzar la orden de detención del IAPSC.
El papel de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas como garante de la seguridad internacional parece transformarse en complaciente de los criminales, violadores de derechos humanos.
Es deplorable observar que la Misión de las Naciones Unidas en el Congo, más grande del mundo, MONUC, que cuenta entre su personal: 16,601 soldados, 737 observadores militaries, 1093 policiens y 965 civiles especialistas en materia de derechos humanos y asuntos humanitarios sin contar a su personal local y voluntario; con un presupuesto anual de 1.243 millón de Dólares americanos; l en la disuasión de los attrocités perpetrados sobre la población civil y su incapacidad de detener el supuesto criminal guerra, Bosco Ntaganda. El papel de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas como garante de la seguridad internacional parece transformarse en complaciente de los criminales, violadores de derechos humanos.
El 30 de enero de 2009, el MONUC expresó abiertamente, durante una rueda de prensa, en el momento de la operación militar conjunta -Ruanda rDC, que no participara en una operación en la cual Bosco Ntaganda, presunto criminal de guerra y criminal contra la humanidad, desempeña un papel cualquiera. (4). Decepcionante aujourdhui, la fuente creíble aboga por que el mismo MONUC participa en una operación conjunta (MONUC-FARDC), con Ndaganda como un COcoordinador, según BBC. (5)
en el Congo, como a otra parte, el IAPSC como instrumento internacional en la lucha contra la impunidad y de impedir atrocidades podría rápidamente perder su valor si no no toma medidas concretas para comenzar a hacer aplicar sus propias órdenes de detención.
No dudas hoy, algunas personas ven el fracaso en la detención de Bosco Ntaganda como una falta de voluntad política del Consejo de seguridad de la ONU, la pura y simple complicidad complaciente y una negativa culpable de la ONU a desempeñar su papel imparcial en la defensa de la justicia y l '' irradication de la impunidad, la plaga que devasta la vida humana y que persiste las violaciones de los derechos humanos al Congo en particular y en África en general. Es también la prueba a la cual se somete el Tribunal Penal Internacional para probar del mundo su fundamento, su eficacia, su consistencia así como su imparcialidad en el exercise de sus prerrogativas. El mundo espera pacientemente y atentamente las acciones de estas dos instituciones para que la justicia se haga en el Congo, los criminales de guerra Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware y demás sean decididas y tranferrés en La Haya para responder a su TSCA abominables.
Es imprescindible para el primer tribunal internacional permanente guardar una determinada imparcialidad impecable para prevenir o reducir como mínimo el riesgo de dejarse tomar a la trampa por los mismos autores de violaciones de los derechos humanos que se creó para para tenerse responsables. ¿Por qué Bosco Ntaganda, el notorio criminal de guerra y crimen contra humanidad permanece aujourdhui libre mientras que sus tres colaboradores, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germano Katanga y Thomas Lubanga están aujourdhui detrás de las barras? Su estado de libertad, no es una señal de falta de la seriedad en el refuerzo de las decisiones del Tribunal Penal Internatinale y la falta de compromiso del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas velar sobre las decisiones de una institución costosa que juró su creación y jurado ayudar a la realización de su misión. ¡Es una ironía cuando estos Estados fundadores, el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, dicen que el compromiso asumido en Roma de poner un término àl' impunidad no es negociable!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO es el Director de los Asuntos Comunitarios de la Movilización para la Justicia y la Paz en RD el Congo (MJPC), una organización que denuncia mucho la decisión del Presidente KABILA de desafiar el mandato de sentencia brevemente del Penal la Internacional contra el criminal de guerra y criminal contra la humanidad. El MPJC tiene una petición en línea apelante a la detención inmediata de NTAGANDA que puede firmarse
a http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
para más amplia información sobre el MJPC y de sus actividades, visitan el wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; o llaman a Makuba T. SEKOMBO
al 1 408.806 3644 o correo electrónico
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Deferire la RD Congo al Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU se continua a sfidare l'esecuzione del mandato di sentenza del CFI contro Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Il fallimento nell'arresto di Bosco Ntaganda fino ad oggi mette in evidenza la mancanza della serietà nel rafforzamento di mandati di sentenza consegnati dal CFI. Se il CFI trova cosa il caso di Ntaganda ha raggiunto il vicolo cieco nella cooperazione con lo Stato congolese, cosa essa deferisce questo caso al Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU per trovare soluzione, in accordo con articolo 87, paragrafo 7 del Trattato di Roma
lo Stato congolese tratta il CFI per una motivazione politica?
Dopo la creazione del CFI nel 2002, molta gente ha avuto la speranza che il CFI inaugurerà un nuovo periodo della responsabilità internazionale per le gravi violazioni dei diritti umani, vegliando perché i colpevoli siano tradotti in giudizio. È per la stessa ragione che alcuni fondatori del CFI hanno anticipato che mettendo fine all'impunità, il CFI dissuaderà le future attrocités. Questa promessa ha creato la speranza per molta gente, tra cui la nostra organizzazione, la mobilizzazione per la giustizia e la pace in Congo che lotta per la promozione della giustizia e la pace in RDC, combatant rigorosamente l'impunità.
Con ogni disperazione al popolo congolese, il governo congolese ha preferito non fermare Bosco Ntaganda ma piuttosto integrarlo nelle forze eserciti congolesi su pretesto di preservare la sicurezza nazionale ed il processo della pace nazionale. Secondo l'espressione del ministro congolese della giustizia, Emmanuel-Gennaio Luzolo: “Nella pratica giudiziaria di uno Stato, egli ya dei momenti in cui le esigenze della pace portano via sulle necessità tradizionali della giustizia„. Naturalmente qui, il governo congolese ha scelto di giocare la politica, soffocare la giustizia, inibire lo sviluppo democratico che permetterà il Congo di diventare uno Stato di diritti. Questa decisione non è per l'interesse del popolo congolese. Ha preso in prestito l'ipotesi precedentemente utilizzata dalla critica dell'arresto di Thomas Lubanga e che il governo congolese stesso aveva respinto. L'ipotesi secondo la quale, l'arresto e l'estradizione di quest'ultimo al CFI créérait più conflicts ed ostacolerebbe il processo di pace e riconciliazione nazionale. L'evidenza parla per sé, il caso di Thomas Lubanga è diventato un example classico che prova che l'arresto di Bosco Ntaganda non avrà alcuna ripercussione sul processo di pace come il governo congolese la ha sollevata. Del resto il momento attuale è più propizio per una tale richiesta che il tempo dell'arresto di Thomas Lubanga; un tempo che era più conflittuale e più pericoloso. Tutto sommato, la previsione di critica non si è mai concretata.
Se il governo congolese continua a mantenere questa posizione, non è -il il tempo per la Corte penale internazionale o il consiglio di sicurezza di Nazioni Unite, di prendere di altra precauzione infine di permettere la giustizia di completare il suo corso? Il CFI, fa ancora di sforzo di fermare Bosco Ntganda o utilizza altre misure nella sua disposizione infine di onorare la sua decisione?
È importante per il CFI fare tutto per preservare la sua credibilità
l'organizzazione non governativa canadese “The international centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development„ ha una volta informato che se alcuni stati sono in grado di utilizzare il CFI per le loro motivazioni politiche, o se alcune persone sono oltre alla portata del CFI a causa della loro posizione nell'ambito di uno Stato, la Corte perderà della credibilità, i diritti dell'uomo continueranno a essere violati, e lo sviluppo democratico sarà soffocato. (1)
è deplorevole che aujourdhui il caso del preteso crimenel di guerra e criminale contro l'umanità, Bosco Ntaganda, non diventi un caso che rilevato che questa previsione di questa organizzazione di diritti umani si realizza sotto gli occhi del mondo intero e mette in evidenza la cridibilité del CFI auguste aujourdhui è provata; e che, di difendere la sua credibilità, i suoi buon fondamenti e la sua benzina.
Il 29 aprile 2008, la camera preliminare del CFI ha aumentato i sigilli di un mandato di sentenza contro il Sig. Bosco Ntaganda il vecchio assistente del capo dello stato maggiore generale delle forze patriottiche per la liberazione del Congo (FPLC) in Ituri, e l'attuale capo di stato maggiore del congresso nazionale per la difesa del popolo (CNDP), gruppo armato nel Nord-Kivu in RDC. Il mandato di sentenza enumera tre crimini di guerra: 1) l'arruolamento di bambini di meno di quindici anni; 2) la coscrizione di bambini di meno di quindici anni, e 3) l'utilizzo di bambini di meno di quindici anni da partecipare attivamente ad ostilità. Ma anche, i nuovi crimini commessi al Nord Kivu non sono ancora registrati ed è tempo che il procuratore della Corte faccia la messa al giorno degli atti orribili perpetrati sotto il suo commendement a Kiwanja, ad esempio, dove 150 civili sono stati massacrati.
In realtà, egli semple che dopo la rimozione di sigilli di mandato di sentenza contro Bosco Ntaganda, il 29 aprile 2008, la corte penale internazionale come istituzione che veglia all'impunità, non ha nulla fa come tappa seguente dare il valore al suo mandato di sentenza e provare al governo congolese ed al criminale implicato soltanto la sua decisione non è un fatto di un giudizio incoerente. Non ci sono meccanismi recourrir se si è urtata dinanzi alla mancanza di cooperazione dello Stato congolese?
L'implicazione del Consiglio di sicurezza di l " ONU sembra essere inevitabile se il mandato di sentenza deve contro Ntaganda è stato consegnato per essere effettuato.
È molto inconcepibile che il CFI ha dimenticato che in caso di vicolo cieco l'articolo 17, capoverso 3 dell'Accordo negoziato che disciplina le relazioni tra il CFI e l'ONU, possa essere evocato dal cancelliere del CFI per implicare il Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU, con lo intremise del suo segretario generale, nella ricerca di risoluzioni. Ecco ciò che dice l'arte 17 di questo stesso accordo:
“Quando essendo stato afferrato dal Consiglio di sicurezza, la Corte constata, ai sensi dell'articolo 87, paragrafo 5 (b) e paragrafo 7, dello statuto, che uno Stato si rifiuta di cooperare con essa, ne informa il Consiglio di sicurezza o gli deferisce la questione, secondo il caso, ed il cancelliere comunica il Consiglio di sicurezza, con la mediazione del segretario generale, la decisione della Corte e le informazioni pertinenti sull'affare. Il Consiglio di sicurezza, con la mediazione del segretario generale, porta alla conoscenza della Corte, con la mediazione del suo cancelliere, qualsiasi misura che adotta nella specie " (2)
se il CFI trova che questo caso Ntaganda ha raggiunto il vicolo cieco nella cooperazione con lo Stato congolese, che deferisce questo caso al Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU per trovare soluzione, in accordo con articolo 87, paragrafo 7 del Trattato di Roma:
“Se Stato parte non accede non a domanda di cooperazione contrariamente a ciò che prevede il presente statuto ed a gli impedisce così di esercitare le funzioni e poteri che gli conferisce il presente statuto, la Corte può prendere atto e riferirsene all'assemblea degli stati parti o al Consiglio di sicurezza quando è quello che lo ha afferrato. „ (3)
il fallimento del MONUC di adottare misure contro un criminale di guerra accusato è in contraddizione con la loro missione in Congo perché la pace e la giustizia vanno mano nella mano.
Il silenzio dell'ONU sembra implicare la sua complicità in questa perpetuità dell'impunità in Congo! Se ciò non è vero, perché il Consiglio di sicurezza non autorizza il CFI di utilizzare le 17000 truppe di MONUC per fermare Bosco Ntaganda?
Soprattutto, occorre ricordare che l'articolo 8 dell'Accordo negozia che disciplina le relazioni tra il CFI e l'ONU prevede che le due istituzioni devono consultarsi, cooperare ed anche scambiarsi del personale e servizi. L'articolo 8.2 (b) dice chiaramente che l'ONU ed il CFI decidono di cooperare in previsione dello scambio temporaneo di personale quando decide, senza che quest'ultimo non perda i suoi diritti d'anzianità né i suoi diritti a pensione. Ciò vuole dire che è legale ed ammissibile che il personale dell'ONU possa lavorare per rafforzare il mandato di sentenza del CFI.
Il ruolo dell'Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite come garante della sicurezza internazionale sembra trasformarsi in complaisant dei criminali, violateurs di diritti umani.
È deplorevole osservare che Mission di Nazioni Unite in Congo, più grande al mondo, MONUC, che è fra il suo personale: 16,601 soldati, 737 osservatori militaries, 1093 policiens e 965 civili specialisti in materia di diritti umani ed affari umanitari senza contare il suo personale locale e volontario; con un bilancio annuale di 1.243 milione di dollari americani; residenza infertile nella dissuasione delle attrocités perpetrate sulla popolazione civile e la sua incapacità di fermare supposto criminale di guerra, Bosco Ntaganda. Il ruolo dell'Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite come garante della sicurezza internazionale sembra trasformarsi in complaisant dei criminali, violateurs di diritti umani.
Il 30 gennaio 2009, la MONUC ha espresso apertamente, durante una conferenza stampa, al momento dell'operazione militare congiunta RDC-Ruanda, che participara in un'operazione nella quale Bosco Ntaganda, supposto criminale di guerra e criminale contro l'umanità, svolge un ruolo qualunque. (4). Aujourdhui deludente, la fonte credibile adduce che la stessa MONUC partecipa in un'operazione congiunta (MONUC-FARDC), con Ndaganda come un CO-coordinatore, secondo BBC. (5)
al Congo, come altrove, il CFI come strumento internazionale nella lotta contro l'impunità e di impedire atrocità potrebbe rapidamente perdere il suo valore se non non adotta misure concrete per iniziare a fare applicare i suoi mandati di sentenza.
Non dubbi oggi, alcune persone vedono il fallimento nell'arresto di Bosco Ntaganda come una mancanza di volontà politica del Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU, complicità pura ed una semplice complaisante ed un rifiuto colpevole dell'ONU di svolgere il suo ruolo imparziale nella difesa della giustizia e l '' irradication dell'impunità, la peste che devasta la vita umana e che perpetua le violazioni dei diritti umani in Congo in particolare ed in Africa in generale. È anche la prova alla quale è sottoposta la Corte penale internazionale per provare al mondo i suoi buon fondamenti, la sua efficacia, la sua consistenza e la sua imparzialità nel exercise delle sue prerogative. Il mondo aspetta con pazienza ed attentamente le azioni di queste due istituzioni affinché la giustizia sia fatta in Congo, i criminali di guerra Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware ed altri siano stabiliti e tranferrés a L'Aia per rispondere a loro acts abominables.
È imperativo per il primo tribunale internazionale permanente conservare una certa imparzialità impeccabile per prevenire o ridurre almeno il rischio di lasciarsi prendere alla trappola da parte degli stessi autori di violazioni dei diritti umani di quanto è stata creata per per tenere responsabili. Perché Bosco Ntaganda, il criminale notorio di guerra e di crimine contro umanità rimane aujourdhui libero mentre i suoi tre collaboratori, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga e Thomas Lubanga sono aujourdhui dietro le sbarre? Il suo stato di libertà, non è un segno di mancanza della serietà nel rafforzamento delle decisioni della Corte penale Internatinale e la mancanza d'impegno del Consiglio di sicurezza di Nazioni Unite di vegliare sulle decisioni di un'istituzione costosa che ha giurato la sua creazione e giurato di aiutare alla realizzazione della sua missione. È -il un'ironia quando questi stati fondatori, il Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU, dicono che l'impegno assunto a Roma di mettere un termine àl'impunità non è negoziabile!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO è il direttore degli affari comunitari della mobilizzazione per la giustizia e la pace in RD Congo (MJPC), un'organizzazione che denuncia fortemente la decisione del Presidente KABILA di sfidare il mandato di sentenza bruscamente della penale l'internazionale nei confronti del criminale di guerra e criminale contro l'umanità. La MPJC ha una petizione in linea ricorrente all'arresto immediato di NTAGANDA che può essere firmato
a http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
per ulteriori informazioni sulla MJPC e delle sue attività, visitate lo wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; o chiamate Makuba T. SEKOMBO
all'all'1 408.806 3644 o e-mail
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Das RD den Kongo über den Sicherheitsrat der UNO übertragen, wenn sie weiterhin die Ausführung des Erlaßmandats von CPI gegen Ntaganda herausfordert
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Der Mißerfolg in der Verhaftung von Bosco Ntaganda hebt bis heute den Mangel am Ernst in der Verstärkung von Erlaßmandaten hervor, die durch CPI ausgestellt wurden. Wenn CPI findet was der Fall von Ntaganda erreicht die Sackgasse in der Zusammenarbeit mit dem kongolischen Staat, was sie überträgt dieser Fall über den Sicherheitsrat der UNO, um dort Lösung zu finden im Einvernehmen mit Artikel 87 Absatz 7 des Vertrags von Rom
der kongolische Staat handhabt CPI für eine politische Motivierung?
Nach der Schaffung von CPI im Jahre 2002 haben viele Leute die Hoffnung gehabt, daß CPI eine neue Periode der internationalen Verantwortung für die ernsten Verletzungen der menschlichen Rechte eröffnen wird, indem sie aufgepaßt haben, damit die schuldigen in Justiz umgesetzt werden. Es ist aus demselben Grund, daß einige Gründer von CPI vorweggenommen haben, daß, indem es die Ungestraftheit CPI beenden wird den künftigen attrocités abraten wird. Dieses Versprechen hat die Hoffnung für viele Leute geschaffen, einschließlich unserer Organisation, die Mobilisierung für die Justiz und den Frieden im Kongo, der für die Förderung der Justiz und den Frieden in RDC kämpft, indem er streng die Ungestraftheit combatant.
Mit jeder kongolischen Verzweiflung am Volk hat die kongolische Regierung es vorgezogen, sich Bosco Ntaganda nicht anzuhalten, sondern es eher in die Kräfte kongolische Armeen auf Vorwand zu integrieren, die nationale Sicherheit und den Vorgang des nationalen Friedens zu bewahren. Nach dem Ausdruck des kongolischen Ministers für Justiz, Emmanuel-Januar Luzolo: „In der gerichtlichen Praxis eines Staates er ya von den Zeitpunkten, wo die Forderungen des Friedens auf den traditionellen Bedürfnissen der Justiz mitnehmen“. Selbstverständlich hier hat die kongolische Regierung gewählt, die Politik zu spielen, die Justiz zu ersticken, die demokratische Entwicklung zu hindern, die den Kongo erlauben wird ein Rechtsstaat zu werden. Diese Entscheidung ist nicht für das Interesse des kongolischen Volkes. Sie hat die Hypothese geliehen, die früher durch die Kritik der Verhaftung von Thomas Lubanga benutzt wurde, und die die kongolische Regierung selbst abgelehnt hatte. Die Hypothese, nach der die Verhaftung und die Auslieferung letzteren an CPI mehr conflicts créérait und den Friedenprozeß und nationale Versöhnung behindern würden. Die Offensichtlichkeit spricht für sich selbst, der Fall von Thomas Lubanga ist ein klassisches example geworden, das beweist, daß die Verhaftung von Bosco Ntaganda keine Auswirkung auf den Friedenprozeß haben wird, wie die kongolische Regierung es aufgerichtet hat. Im übrigen ist der derzeitige Zeitpunkt günstiger für ein solches Gesuch als die Zeit der Verhaftung von Thomas Lubanga; eine Zeit, die Konflikt- und gefährlicher war. Trotz allem hat sich die Kritikvorhersage nie materialisiert.
Wenn die kongolische Regierung weiterhin diese Position aufrechterhält, nicht ist es die Zeit für den internationalen Strafgerichtshof oder den Sicherheitsrat von Vereinten Nationen, schließlich von anderer Vorsichtsmaßnahme zu nehmen, die Justiz zu erlauben, seinen Kurs zu vollenden? Macht CPI noch von Anstrengung, sich Bosco Ntganda anzuhalten oder benutzt andere Vorräte in seiner Bestimmung schließlich, seine Entscheidung zu ehren?
Es ist für CPI wichtig, alles zu machen, um seine Glaubwürdigkeit zu bewahren
die kanadische Nichtregierungsorganisation „The International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development“ unterrichtet einmal, daß, wenn einige Staaten in der Lage sind, CPI für ihre politischen Motivierungen zu benutzen oder wenn einige Personen über die Reichweite von CPI hinaus in Anbetracht ihrer Position innerhalb eines Staates sind, der Gerichtshof von der Glaubwürdigkeit verlieren wird, die Menschenrechte werden fortsetzen verletzt zu werden, und die demokratische Entwicklung wird erstickt. (1)
es ist bedauernswert, daß aujourdhui der Fall behauptet crimenel von Krieg und Verbrechers gegen die Menschheit, Bosco Ntaganda, nicht ein Fall wird, die hervorgehoben, daß diese Vorhersage dieser Organisation menschlicher Rechte sich unter den Augen der ganzen Welt verwirklicht und hervorhebt, das cridibilité erhabenen CPI aujourdhui getestet wird; und daß selbst seine Glaubwürdigkeit, ihre Rechtmässigkeit und ihr Benzin zu verteidigen.
Am 29. April 2008 das vorläufige Zimmer von CPI hat die Siegel eines Erlaßmandats gegen Herrn aufgehoben. Bosco Ntaganda der ehemalige Assistent des Chefs des allgemeinen Stabes mit den patriotischen Kräften für die Befreiung des Kongos (FPLC) in Ituri und das aktuelle Generalstabschef des nationalen Kongresses für die Verteidigung des Volkes (CNDP), Gruppe, die in Nord-Kivu in RDC bewaffnet wurde. Das Erlaßmandat zählt drei Kriegsverbrechen auf: 1) die Rekrutierung von Kindern unter fünfzehn Jahren; 2) der Bezirk von Kindern unter fünfzehn Jahren und 3) die Benutzung von Kindern unter fünfzehn aktiv an Feindseligkeiten teilzunehmenden Jahren. Aber auch werden die neuen im Norden Kivu begangenen Verbrechen noch nicht registriert, und es ist Zeit, daß der Staatsanwalt des Gerichtshofes das Setzen am Tag der entsetzlichen Handlungen macht, die unter seinem commendement an Kiwanja verübt wurden, zum Beispiel, wo 150 Zivilisten massakriert worden sind.
In der Tat er macht semple, das nach dem Auftrieb von Siegeln des Erlaßmandats gegen Bosco Ntaganda Am 29. April 2008 der Spielplatz Straf- international als Institution, die auf die Ungestraftheit achtet, hat nichts, als folgende Etappe, um den Wert ihrem Erlaßmandat zu geben, und der kongolischen Regierung und dem hinzugezogenen Verbrecher nur ihre Entscheidung zu beweisen ist keine Tatsache eines zusammenhanglosen Urteils. Gibt es keinen Mechanismus recourrir, wenn sie sich vor dem Mangel an Zusammenarbeit des kongolischen Staats gestoßen ist?
Die Einbeziehung des Rates der Sicherheit l " UNO scheint unausweichlich zu sein, wenn das Erlaßmandat gegen Ntaganda muß ausgestellt worden, um ausgeführt zu werden.
Es ist sehr undenkbar, daß CPI vergessen hat, daß bei Sackgasse Artikel 17 Unterabsatz 3 des ausgehandelten Abkommens, das die Beziehungen zwischen CPI und der UNO leitet, vom Urkundsbeamten von CPI erwähnt werden kann, um den Sicherheitsrat der UNO durch das intremise seines allgemeinen Sekretärs in der Entschließungsforschung hinzuzuziehen. Hier das, was Artikel 17 dieses selben Abkommens sagt:
„Wenn befassend durch den Sicherheitsrat der Gerichtshof gemäß Artikel 87 Absatz 5 (b) feststellt, und Absatz 7 vom Statut, daß ein Staat ablehnt, mit ihr mitzuarbeiten, informiert sie darüber den Sicherheitsrat oder überträgt ihm die Frage je nach Fall, und der Urkundsbeamte teilt den Sicherheitsrat mit durch die Vermittlung des Generalsekretärs die Entscheidung des Gerichtshofes und die sachdienlichen Informationen über die Angelegenheit. Der Sicherheitsrat durch die Vermittlung des Generalsekretärs Tür an der Kenntnis des Gerichtshofes durch die Vermittlung seines Urkundsbeamten jede Maßnahme, die er in der Art ergreift " (2),
wenn CPI findet, daß dieser Fall Ntaganda die Sackgasse in der Zusammenarbeit mit dem kongolischen Staat erreicht hat, daß sie diesen Fall über den Sicherheitsrat der UNO überträgt, um dort Lösung zu finden im Einvernehmen mit Artikel 87 Absatz 7 des Vertrags von Rom:
„Wenn ein Staat Teil nicht zu einem Antrag der Zusammenarbeit gelangt im Gegensatz zu dem, was vorsieht, das vorliegende Statut und es so daran hindert, die Tätigkeit auszuüben, und Macht, die ihm das vorliegende Statut verleiht, der Gerichtshof davon Kenntnis nehmen und davon auf die Versammlung der Staaten Teile oder auf den Sicherheitsrat verweisen kann, wenn es jener ist, der es erfaßt hat. “ (3)
der Mißerfolg des MONUC Maßnahmen gegen einen angeklagten Kriegsverbrecher zu ergreifen steht in Widerspruch mit ihrer Aufgabe im Kongo, weil der Frieden und die Justiz gehen Hand in der Hand.
Die Stille der UNO scheint, ihre Mitschuld in dieser Ewigkeit der Ungestraftheit im Kongo zu implizieren! Wenn das, warum nicht wahr ist der Sicherheitsrat erlaubt CPI nicht, die 17000 monuc-Truppen zu benutzen, um sich Bosco Ntaganda anzuhalten?
Vor allem empfiehlt es sich daran zu erinnern, daß Artikel 8 des Abkommens verhandelt, das die Beziehungen zwischen CPI und der UNO leitet, vorsieht, daß die zwei Institutionen sich befragen, mitarbeiten müssen und sich sogar, vom Personal und Diensten auszutauschen. Artikel 8.2 (b), sagt deutlich, daß die UNO und CPI vereinbaren, angesichts des zeitweiligen Personalaustausches mitzuarbeiten, wenn er sich eignet, ohne daß dieser seine Dienstalterrechte noch seine Ansprüche auf Pension verliert. Das bedeutet, daß es legal und zulässig sei, daß das Personal der UNO arbeiten kann, um das Erlaßmandat von CPI zu verstärken.
Die Rolle der Vereinten Nationen als Bürge der internationalen Sicherheit scheint, in von den Verbrechern, menschlichen Rechtsübertretern sich gefällig umzuwandeln.
Es ist bedauernswert zu bemerken, daß Mission von Vereinten Nationen im Kongo größte an der Welt, MONUC, die zu ihrem Personal zählt: 16,601 Soldaten, 737 Beobachter militaries 1093 policiens und 965 Zivilisten Spezialisten hinsichtlich menschlicher Rechte und humanitärer Angelegenheiten, ohne sein lokales und freiwilliges Personal zu zählen; mit einem jährlichen Budget von 1.243 Million amerikanische Dollar; unfruchtbarer Wohnsitz im Abraten der attrocités, die auf der Zivilbevölkerung und ihrer Unfähigkeit verübt wurden, sich anzuhalten angenommen verbrecherisch von Krieg, Bosco Ntaganda. Die Rolle der Vereinten Nationen als Bürge der internationalen Sicherheit scheint, in von den Verbrechern, menschlichen Rechtsübertretern sich gefällig umzuwandeln.
Am 30. Januar 2009 das MONUC hat offen während einer Pressekonferenz zum Zeitpunkt der gemeinsamen Militäroperation RDC-Ruanda ausgedrückt, daß sie nicht in einer Operation participara, bei der verbrecherisch angenommenes Bosco Ntaganda, von Krieg und Verbrecher gegen die Menschheit, irgendeine Rolle spielt. (4). Enttäuschendes aujourdhui, die glaubwürdige Quelle bringen vor, daß dasselbe MONUC in einer gemeinsamen Operation (MONUC-FARDC) mit Ndaganda als ein Co-Koordinator nach BBC teilnimmt. (5)
Im Kongo wie anderswo könnte CPI als internationales Instrument in der Bekämpfung der Ungestraftheit und Entsetzlichkeiten zu verhindern schnell seinen Wert verlieren, wenn sie nicht keine konkreten Maßnahmen ergreift, um zu beginnen, ihre eigenen Erlaßmandate anwenden zu lassen.
Nicht Zweifel heute sehen einige Personen den Mißerfolg in der Verhaftung von Bosco Ntaganda als ein politischer Mangel an Willen des Sicherheitsrates der UNO eine reine und einfache gefällige Mitschuld und eine schuldige Ablehnung der UNO, seine unparteiische Rolle bei der Verteidigung der Justiz und l '' irradication der Ungestraftheit, der Plage zu spielen, die das menschliche Leben verwüstet, und die die Verletzungen der menschlichen Rechte im Kongo verewigt insbesondere und in Afrika im allgemeinen. Er ist auch die Prüfung, der der internationale Strafgerichtshof unterliegt, um der Welt seine Rechtmässigkeit zu beweisen, seine Wirksamkeit, seine Beschaffenheit sowie seine Unparteilichkeit im exercise seiner Vorrechte. Die Welt wartet geduldig, und aufmerksam die Maßnahmen dieser zwei Institutionen, damit die Justiz im Kongo gemacht wird die Kriegsverbrecher Bosco Ntaganda Laurent Nkundabatware und andere werden festgelegt und tranferrés in Den Haag, um auf ihr ACTS zu antworten abscheulich.
Es ist für das erste ständige internationale Gericht überaus wichtig, eine gewisse einwandfreie Unparteilichkeit zu behalten, um das Risiko mindestens zu verhindern oder zu reduzieren, sich an der Falle durch dieselben Autoren von Verletzungen der menschlichen Rechte nehmen zu lassen, wie sie entstanden ist, um verantwortlich zu halten. Warum Bosco Ntaganda bleibt der notorische Kriegs- und Verbrechenverbrecher gegen Menschheit freies aujourdhui, während seine drei Mitarbeiter, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga und Thomas Lubanga aujourdhui hinter den Stangen sind? Ist sein Freiheitsstand kein Zeichen des Mangels am Ernst in der Verstärkung der Entscheidungen des Strafgerichtshofes Internatinale und dem Mangel an Verpflichtung des Sicherheitsrates von Vereinten Nationen aufzupassen über die Entscheidungen einer teuren Institution, die er geschworen hat seine Schaffung und juré, die Verwirklichung seiner Aufgabe zu unterstützen. Ist er eine Ironie, wenn diese Gründerstände, der Sicherheitsrat der UNO, sagen, daß die in Rom eingegangene Verpflichtung, einen Begriff zu stellen àl' Ungestraftheit nicht handelbar sei!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO ist der Direktor der gemeinschaftlichen Angelegenheiten der Mobilisierung für die Justiz und den Frieden in RD der Kongo (MJPC) eine Organisation, die stark die Entscheidung des Präsidenten KABILA anprangert, das Urteilmandat des Straf- kurz herauszufordern das internationale gegen den Kriegsverbrecher und Verbrecher gegen die Menschheit. Das MPJC hat eine Petition online appelant an der unmittelbaren ntaganda-Verhaftung die an http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
für
umfangreichere Informationen über das MJPC und ihrer Aktivitäten unterzeichnet werden kann, besuchen das wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; oder rufen Makuba T. SEKOMBO
an 1 408.806 3644 oder E-mail
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Submeter o RD Congo ao Conselho de Segurança da O.N.U se continua a desafiar a Execução do Mandato de Acórdão CPI contra Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
O malogro na detençáo de Bosco Ntaganda a falta até agora destaca da seriedade no reforço de mandatos de acórdão emitidos CPI. Se CPI encontra o que o caso de Ntaganda atingiu a impasse na cooperação com o Estado Congolês, o que ela submete este caso ao Conselho de Segurança da O.N.U para encontrar solução, de acordo com artigo 87, parágrafo 7 do Tratado de Roma
o Estado Congolês manipula CPI para uma motivação política?
Após a criação CPI em 2002, muitos pessoas tiveram a esperança que CPI vai inaugurar uns novos períodos da responsabilidade internacional para as graves violações dos direitos humanos, velando de modo que o culpada fossem traduzidos em justiça. É por a mesma razão que certos fundadores CPI anteciparam que pondo termo à impunidade, CPI vai dissuadir os futuros attrocités. Esta promessa criou a esperança para muitos pessoas, incluindo a nossa organização, a Mobilização para a Justiça e a Paz no Congo que luta por a promoção da justiça e a paz em RDC, combatant rigorosamente a impunidade.
Com qualquer desespero ao povo congolês, o governo Congolês preferiu não parar Bosco Ntaganda mas antes integrar-o nas forças Exércitos Congoleses sobre pretexto de preservar a segurança nacional e o processo da paz nacional. De acordo com a expressão do ministro congolês da justiça, Emmanuel-Janeiro Luzolo: “Na prática judicial de um Estado, ele ya dos momentos onde as exigências da paz emportent sobre as necessidades tradicionais da justiça”. Naturalmente aqui, o governo Congolês optou de jogar a política, asfixiar a justiça, inibir o desenvolvimento democrático que permitirá o Congo tornar-se um Estado de Direitos. Esta decisão não é para o interesse do povo congolês. Emprestou hipótese anteriormente à utilizada pela crítica da detençáo de Thomas Lubanga e que o governo congolês ele mesmo tivesse rejeitado. A hipótese segundo a qual, a detençáo e a extradição deste último CPI créérait mais conflicts e desabilitaria o processo de paz e reconciliação nacional. A evidência fala para soi-même, o caso de Thomas Lubanga tornou-se um example clássico que prova que a detençáo de Bosco Ntaganda não terá nenhuma repercussão sobre o processo de paz como o governo congolês levantou-o. De resto o momento actual é mais propício para um tal pedido que o tempo da detençáo de Thomas Lubanga; um tempo que era mais conflituoso e mais perigoso. Contra todo, a previsão de crítica nunca materializou-se.
Se o governo congolês continua a manter esta posição, não é o tempo para o Tribunal Penal Internacional ou o conselho de Segurança de Nações Unidas, de tomar de outra precaução por último de permitir a justiça terminar o seu curso? CPI, faz ainda de esforço de parar Bosco Ntganda ou utiliza outras provisões na sua disposição por último de honrar a sua decisão?
É importante que CPI fazer preservá-lo todo para a sua credibilidade
a organização não governamental canadiana “The International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development” uma vez avisou que se certos Estados são em condições de utilizar CPI para as suas motivações políticas, ou se certas pessoas estão para além do alcance CPI devido à sua posição num Estado, o Tribunal vai perder da credibilidade, os direitos do homem vão continuar ser violados, e o desenvolvimento democrático será asfixiado. (1)
é deplorável que aujourdhui o Caso pretendido crimenel de guerra e criminoso contra a humanidade, Bosco Ntaganda, não se torne um caso que aumentado que esta previsão desta organização de direitos humanos realiza-se sob os olhos do mundo inteiro e destaca o cridibilité auguste CPI aujourdhui é testado; e que própria, de defender a sua credibilidade, a sua justificação e a sua gasolina.
O 29 de Abril de 2008, a Câmara preliminar CPI levantou os selos judiciais de um mandato de acórdão contra o Sr. Bosco Ntaganda, o antigo assistente do chefe do Estado-maior geral das Forças patrióticas para a liberação do Congo (FPLC) em Ituri, e o actual chefe de Estado-maior do Congresso nacional para a defesa do povo (CNDP), grupo armado no Nord-Kivu em RDC. O mandato de acórdão enumera três crimes de guerra: 1) o recrutamento de crianças com menos de quinze anos; 2) o recrutamento de crianças com menos de quinze anos, e 3) a utilização de crianças com menos de quinze anos a participarem activamente em hostilidades. Mas também, os novos crimes cometidos ao Norte Kivu ainda não são registados e é tempos que Procureur do Tribunal faça a aposta ao dia dos horrívels actos perpetrados sob o seu commendement à Kiwanja, por exemplo, onde 150 civis foram massacrados.
Com efeito, ele liço do tear que após o levantamento de selos judiciais de mandato de acórdão contra Bosco Ntaganda, O 29 de Abril de 2008, o Campo de ténis Penal Internacional como instituição que vela impunidade, não tem nada faz como etapa seguinte para dar o valor ao seu mandato de acórdão e provar ao governo congolês e o criminoso implicado apenas a sua decisão é um facto de um julgamento incoerente. Não há mecanismo recourrir se choc-se-ar na frente da falta de cooperação do Estado Congolês?
A implicação do Conselho de Segurança de l " O.N.U parece ser inevitável se o mandato de acórdão deve contra Ntaganda foi emitido para ser executado.
É extremamente inconcebível que CPI esqueceu que no caso de impasse o artigo 17, parágrafo 3 do Acordo Negociado que governa as relações entre CPI e a O.N.U, possa ser evocado pelo Escrevente CPI a fim de implicar o Conselho de Segurança da O.N.U, pelo intremise do seu Secretário Geral, na investigação de resoluções. Eis que diz a Arte 17 deste mesmo acordo:
“Quando apreendido pelo Conselho de segurança, o Tribunal constata, em conformidade com o artigo 87, parágrafo 5 (b) e parágrafo 7, do estatuto, que um Estado recusa-se a cooperar com ela, informa o Conselho de Segurança ou submete-lhe a pergunta, segundo o caso, e o Escrevente comunica o Conselho de Segurança, pela mediação do Secretário geral, a decisão do Tribunal e as informações relevantes sobre o negócio. O Conselho de Segurança, pela mediação do Secretário geral, porta ao conhecimento do Tribunal, pela mediação do seu Escrevente, qualquer medida que toma na espécie " (2)
se CPI encontra que este caso Ntaganda atingiu a impasse na cooperação com o Estado Congolês, que submete este caso ao Conselho de Segurança da O.N.U para encontrar solução, de acordo com artigo 87, parágrafo 7 do Tratado de Roma:
“Se Estado Parte não aceder não pedido cooperação contrariamente que prevê o presente Estatuto e impede-o assim exercer as funções e poderes que confere-lhe o presente Estatuto, o Tribunal pode tomar acto e referir na Assembleia dos Estados Partes ou o Conselho de Segurança quando é o que apreendeu-o. ” (3)
o malogro do MONUC de tomar medidas contra um criminoso de guerra inculpado está contradição com a sua missão no Congo porque a paz e a justiça vão mão na mão.
O silêncio da O.N.U parece implicar a sua cumplicidade em este perpetuité da impunidade no Congo! Se aquilo não é verdadeiro, porque o Conselho de segurança não autoriza CPI de utilizar os 17000 bandos de MONUC para parar Bosco Ntaganda?
Sobretudo, convem recordar que o Artigo 8 do Acordo negocia que governa as relações entre CPI e a O.N.U prevê que as duas instituições devem consultar-se, cooperar e mesmo trocar-se do pessoal e serviços. O Artigo 8.2 (b) diz claramente que a O.N.U e CPI convêm cooperar com o propósito da troca temporária de pessoal quando convem, sem que este perca os seus direitos de antiguidade nem os seus direitos à pensão. Aquilo quer dizer que é legal e admissível que o pessoal da O.N.U possa trabalhar para reforçar o mandato de acórdão CPI.
O papel da Organização das nações unidas como fiador da segurança internacional parece transformar-se complaisant dos criminosos, violateurs de direitos humanos.
É deplorável observar que Missão de Nações Unidas ao Congo, grande ao mundo, MONUC, que conta entre o seu pessoal: 16,601 soldados, 737 observadores militaries, 1093 policiens e 965 civis especialistas em matéria de direitos humanos e negócios humanitários sem estar a contar o seu pessoal local e voluntário; com um orçamento anual de 1.243 milhão de Dólares americanos; residência infertile na dissuasão dos attrocités perpetrados sobre a população civil e a sua incapacidade de parar presumido criminoso de guerra, Bosco Ntaganda. O papel da Organização das nações unidas como fiador da segurança internacional parece transformar-se complaisant dos criminosos, violateurs de direitos humanos.
O 30 de Janeiro de 2009, o MONUC exprimiu abertamente, durante uma conferência de imprensa, aquando da operação militar conjunta o RDC-Ruanda, que não participara numa operação na qual Bosco Ntaganda, presumido criminoso de guerra e criminoso contra a humanidade, desempenha papel qualquer. (4). Deceptivo aujourdhui, a fonte credível alega que o mesmo MONUC participa numa operação conjunta (MONUC-FARDC), com Ndaganda como um Cocoordenador, de acordo com BBC. (5)
ao Congo, como noutro lugar, CPI como instrumento internacional na luta contra a impunidade e de impedir atrocidades poderia rapidamente perder o seu valor se não não toma medidas concretas para começar a fazer aplicar os seus próprios mandatos de acórdão.
Não dúvidas hoje, certas pessoas vêem o malogro na detençáo de Bosco Ntaganda como uma falta de vontade política do Conselho de segurança da O.N.U, pura e simples a cumplicidade complaisante e uma recusa culpada da O.N.U de desempenhar o seu papel imparcial na defesa da justiça e l '' irradication da impunidade, a calamidade que devasta a vida humana e que perpetua as violações dos direitos humanos no Congo em especial e em África em geral. É também a prova à qual sujeito o Tribunal Penal Internacional para provar ao mundo a sua justificação, a sua eficácia, a sua consistência bem como a sua imparcialidade no exercise das suas prerrogativas. O mundo espera pacientemente e cuidadosamente as acções destas duas instituições para que a justiça seja feita no Congo, os criminosos de guerra Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware e outro sejam parados e tranferrés em la Haye para responder à sua TSCA abomináveis.
É imperativo para o primeiro tribunal internacional permanente guardar uma certa imparcialidade impeccable para prevenir ou reduzir ao mínimo o risco deixar-se tomar à armadilha pelos mesmos autores de violações dos direitos humanos que foi criada para para ter responsáveis. Porque Bosco Ntaganda, o notório criminoso de guerra e de crime contra humanidade reside aujourdhui livre tempo os seus três colaboradores, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga e Thomas Lubanga estão aujourdhui de trás as barras? O seu estado de liberdade, não é um sinal de falta da seriedade no reforço das decisões do Tribunal Penal Internatinale e a falta de compromisso do Conselho de Segurança de Nações Unidas de velar sobre as decisões de uma instituição cara que juré a sua criação e jurado de ajudar à realização da sua missão. É uma ironia quando estes estados fundadores, o Conselho de Segurança da O.N.U, dizem que o compromisso tomado em Roma de pôr um termo àl' impunidade não é negociável!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO é o Director dos Negócios Comunitários da Mobilização para a Justiça e a Paz em RD o Congo (MJPC), uma organização que denuncia fortemente a decisão do Presidente KABILA de desafiar o mandato de acórdão curto do Penal a Internacional contra do criminoso de guerra e criminoso contra a humanidade. O MPJC tem uma petição em linha recorrente à detençáo imediata de NTAGANDA que pode ser assinada
à http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
para mais amplas informações sobre o MJPC e das suas actividades, visita o wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; ou chamam Makuba T. SEKOMBO
ao 1 408.806 3644 ou enviar por correio electrónico
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
To submit the RD Congo with the Security Council of UNO if It Continues To defy the Execution of the Warrant for arrest of CPI Against Ntaganda
Automatically translated into English thanks to WorldLingo
The failure in the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda until now highlight lack of serious in the reinforcement of warrants for arrest delivered by CPI. If CPI finds that the case of Ntaganda reached the dead end in the co-operation with the Congolese State, that it submits this case with the Security Council of UNO to find solution there, in agreement with article 87, paragraph 7 of the Treaty of Rome
the Congolese State does handle CPI for a political motivation?
After the creation of CPI in 2002, much of people had the hope which CPI will inaugurate a new period of the international responsibility for the serious violations for the human rights, by taking care so that the culprits are translated into justice. It is for the same reason that certain founders of CPI anticipated that while putting an end to impunity, CPI will dissuade the future attrocities. This promise created the hope for many people, including our organization, the Mobilization for Justice and Peace in Congo which fights for the promotion of justice and peace in DRC, by combatant impunity rigorously.
With any despair with the Congolese people, the Congolese government preferred not to stop Bosco Ntaganda but rather to integrate it in the Congolese forces Armed on pretext of preserve national safety and the process of national peace. According to the expression of the Congolese Minister for justice, Luzolo Emmanuel-January: “In practice legal of a State, it ya of the moments when the requirements of peace carry on the traditional needs for justice”. Of course here, the Congolese government chose to play the policy, to choke justice, to inhibit the democratic development which will allow Congo to become a State of Droits. This decision is not for the interest of the Congolese people. It borrowed the assumption formerly used by the critic of the arrest of Thomas Lubanga and that the Congolese government itself had rejected. The assumption according to which, the arrest and the extradition of this last in CPI créérait more conflicts and would handicap the process of peace and national reconciliation. The obviousness speaks for oneself, the case of Thomas Lubanga became a traditional example which proves that the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda will not have any effect on the process of peace like the Congolese government raised. Moreover the current moment is more favourable for such a request that the time of the arrest of Thomas Lubanga; a time which was conflict and more dangerous. Despite everything, the prediction of criticism never materialized.
If the Congolese government continues to maintain this position, isn't it time for the International Penal Court or the Security Council of the United Nations, to take of another precaution finally to allow justice to complete its course? Does CPI, still make effort stop Bosco Ntganda or uses it other provisions in its provision finally to honour its decision?
It is important for CPI to very make to preserve its credibility
the Canadian nongovernmental organization “The International Centers for Human Rights and Democratic Development” once informed that so certain States are able to use CPI for their political motivations, or so certain people are beyond the range of CPI because of their position within a State, the Court will lose credibility, the human rights will continue to be violated, and the democratic development will be choked. (1)
It is deplorable which aujourdhui the Case of alleged the crimenel of war and criminal against humanity, Bosco Ntaganda, does not become a case which raised that this prediction of this organization of human rights is carried out under the eyes of the whole world and highlights the cridibility of majestic CPI is aujourdhui tested; and that itself, to defend its credibility, its founded good and its gasoline.
On April 29, 2008, the preliminary Room of CPI raised the seals of a warrant for arrest against Mr. Bosco Ntaganda, the former assistant of the chief of the Staff general of the patriotic Forces for the release of Congo (FPLC) in Ituri, and the current chief of Staff of the national Congress for the defense of people (CNDP), group armed in North-Kivu in DRC. The warrant for arrest enumerates three war crimes: 1) enrôlement of children of less than fifteen years; 2) the conscription of children of less than fifteen years, and 3) the use of children of less than fifteen years to be actively taken part in hostilities. But also, the new crimes committed in Kivu North are not recorded yet and it is time that the Prosecutor of the Court makes the setting at the day of the horrible acts perpetrated under its commendement in Kiwanja, for example, where 150 civil was massacred.
In fact, it simple that after the lifting of seals of warrant for arrest against Bosco Ntaganda, On April 29, 2008, the Court Penal International as an institution which takes care of impunity, did not do anything like following stage to give the value to its warrant for arrest and to prove with the Congolese government and to the implied criminal that its decision is not a fact of an incoherent judgement. Is there no mechanism to recourrir if it ran up in front of the lack of co-operation of the Congolese State?
The implication of the Security Council of L " UNO seems to be inevitable if the warrant for arrest must against Ntaganda were delivered to be carried out.
It is extremely inconceivable that CPI forgot that in the event of dead end article 17, subparagraph 3 of the Negotiated Agreement governing the relations between CPI and UNO, can be evoked by the Clerk of CPI in order to imply the Security Council of UNO, by the intremise of its Secretary General, in the search for resolutions. Here what says Art 17 of this same agreement:
“When having been seized by the Security Council, the Court notes, in accordance with article 87, paragraph 5 (b) and paragraph 7, of the statute, that a State refuses to cooperate with it, it informs of it the Security Council or the question submits to him, according to case's, and the Clerk communicates the Security Council, by the mediation of the Secretary general, the decision of the Court and information relevant on the business. The Security Council, via the Secretary general, makes available of the Court, via his Clerk, any measurement which it takes in the species " (2)
If CPI finds that this case Ntaganda reached the dead end in the co-operation with the Congolese State, that it submits this case with the Security Council of UNO to find solution there, in agreement with article 87, paragraph 7 of the Treaty of Rome:
“If a State Partie does not reach a request for co-operation as opposed to what envisages this Statute and thus prevents it from exerting the functions and powers which this Statute confers to him, the Court can take note of it and refer about it to the Parliament of the States Parties or to the Security Council when it is that which seized it. ” (3)
the failure of MONUC to take measures against a war criminal accused is in contradiction with their mission in Congo because peace and justice go hand in the hand.
The silence of UNO seems to imply its complicity in this perpetuity of impunity in Congo! If that is not true, why the Security Council does not authorize CPI to use the 17000 troops of MONUC to adopt Bosco Ntaganda?
Above all, it is advisable to recall that Article 8 of the Agreement Negotiates governing the relations between CPI and UNO provides that the two institutions must consult each other, cooperate and to even exchange itself of the personnel and services. Article 8.2 (b) says clearly that UNO and CPI agree to cooperate for the temporary exchange of personnel when it is appropriate, without this one not losing its rights of seniority nor its rights to pension. That wants to say that it is legal and acceptable that the personnel of UNO can work to reinforce the warrant for arrest of CPI.
The role of the United Nations as a guarantor of international safety seems to be transformed into obliging criminals, transgressors of human rights.
It is deplorable to notice that the Mission of the United Nations in Congo, largest in the world, MONUC, which counts among its personnel: 16,601 soldiers, 737 observers militaries, 1093 policians and 965 civil specialists as regards human rights and humane businesses without counting its local and voluntary personnel; with an annual budget of 1.243 million American Dollars; remain unfertile in the dissuasion from the attrocities perpetrated on the civil population and its incapacity to stop supposed war criminal, Bosco Ntaganda. The role of the United Nations as a guarantor of international safety seems to be transformed into obliging criminals, transgressors of human rights.
On January 30, 2009, MONUC expressed openly, during a press conference, at the time of the joint military operation RDC-Rwanda, which it will not participara in an operation in which Bosco Ntaganda, supposed war criminal and criminal against humanity, plays an unspecified role. (4). Disappointing aujourdhui, credible source Al that same MONUC takes part in a joint operation (MONUC-FARDC), with Ndaganda like a Co-coordinator, according to BBC. (5)
In Congo, like elsewhere, CPI like international instrument in the fight against impunity and to prevent atrocities could quickly lose its value if it not does not take concrete measures to start to make apply its own warrants for arrest.
No the doubts today, certain people see the failure in the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda like a lack of political good-will of the Security Council of UNO, pure and simple obliging complicity and a guilty refusal of UNO to play its impartial part in the defense of justice and L '' irradication of impunity, the plague which devastates the human life and which perennializes the violations of the human rights to Congo in particular and in Africa in general. It is also the test to which is subjected the International Penal Court to prove in the world its founded good, its effectiveness, its consistency like its impartiality in the exercise of its prerogatives. The world waits patiently and attentively the actions of these two institutions so that justice is made in Congo, the war criminals Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware and others are stopped and tranferrés in abominable The Hague to answer their acts.
It is imperative for the first permanent international court to keep a certain impeccable impartiality to prevent or reduce at least the risk to let itself take with the trap by the same authors of violations of the human rights as it was created for holding responsible. Why Bosco Ntaganda, the notorious war criminal and crime against humanity remains aujourdhui free while his/her three collaborators, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga and Thomas Lubanga are aujourdhui behind the bars? Its state of freedom, is not it a sign of lack of serious in the reinforcement of the decisions of the Penal Court Internatinale and the lack of commitment of the Security Council of the United Nations to take care on the decisions of a expensive institution which it swore his creation and swore to contribute to the realization of his mission. Is an irony when these states founders, the Security Council of UNO, say that the commitment entered into in Rome to put a term àl' impunity is not negotiable!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO is the Director of the Community Businesses of the Mobilization for Justice and Peace in RD Congo (MJPC), an organization which strongly denounces the decision of President KABILA to defy the warrant for arrest of Court Penal International against the war criminal and criminal against humanity. The MPJC has a petition on line calling with the immediate arrest of NTAGANDA which can be signed with
http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
For further information on the MJPC and of its activities, visit the wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; or call Makuba T. SEKOMBO
to the 1 408.806 3644 or e-mail
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Att sända RD-Kongofloden med säkerhetsrådet av UNO, om den fortsätter för att trotsa utförandet av berättigandet för gripande av KPI mot Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
Felet i gripandet av Bosco Ntaganda tills nu viktigbrist av allvarligt i förstärkningen av berättiganden för gripande som levereras av KPI. Om KPIfynd, att fallet av Ntaganda nådde återvändsgränden i samarbetet med den statliga kongolesen, det det sänder detta fall med säkerhetsrådet av UNO till fyndlösningen där som är överens med artikel 87, stycker 7 av romfördraget,
behandlar den statliga kongolesen KPI för en politisk motivation?
Efter skapelsen av KPI i 2002 hade mycket av folk hoppet, som KPI att ska inviger en ny period av landskampansvaret för de allvarliga kränkningarna för mänsklig rättighet, genom att ta omsorg, så att gärningsmännen översätts in i rättvisa. Det är för samma resonerar att bestämda grundarear av KPI förutsåg att stunder som sätter en avsluta till impunityen, den ska KPI avråder de framtida attrocitiesna. Detta löfte skapade hoppet för många folk som var inklusive vår organisation, mobilizationen för rättvisa och fred i Kongofloden, som slåss för befordran av rättvisa och fred i DRC, vid strida impunity rigorously.
Med någon förtvivlan med det kongolesiska folket föredrog den kongolesiska regeringen att inte stoppa Bosco Ntaganda utan ganska att integrera den i de kongolesiska styrkorna som beväpnades på svepskäl av syltmedborgaresäkerhet och det processaa av medborgarefred. Enligt uttryckt av den kongolesiska minister för rättvisa Luzolo Emmanuel-Januari: ”I praktiken lagligt av ett statligt, det ya av ögonblicken, då kraven av fred bär på de traditionella behoven för rättvisa”. Naturligtvis här, valde den kongolesiska regeringen att leka politiken, för att kväva rättvisa, för att förhindra den demokratiska utvecklingen som ska låter Kongofloden bli ett statligt av Droits. Detta beslut är inte för intressera av det kongolesiska folket. Det lånade antagandet som användes förr av kritikern av gripandet av Thomas Lubanga och att den kongolesiska regeringen sig själv hade kasserat. Antagandet enligt som, gripandet och utlämningen av denna jumbo i KPIcréérait mer konflikter och skulle handikapp det processaa av fred och medborgareförsoning. Obviousnessen talar för honom, fallet av Thomas som Lubanga blev ett traditionellt exempel, som bevisar att gripandet av Bosco Ntaganda som ska för att inte ha några att verkställa på det processaa av frednågot liknande den kongolesiska regeringen lyftte. Dessutom är strömögonblicket mer gynnsam för en den sådan förfrågan tiden av gripandet av Thomas Lubanga; en tid som var konflikten och farligare. Illviljan allt, förutsägelsen av kritik förverkligade aldrig.
Om den kongolesiska regeringen fortsätter för att underhålla denna, inte placerar är den tid för landskampen den straff- domstolen, eller jagar säkerhetsrådet av Förenta nationen, till taken av en annan försiktighet slutligen som låter rättvisa avsluta dess? Gör KPI, stillbild försöksstoppet Bosco Ntganda eller bruk det andra bestämmelser i dess bestämmelse slutligen att hedra dess beslut?
Det är viktigt att KPI mycket gör till sylten dess trovärdighet
den kanadensiska nongovernmental organisationen, ”som landskampen centrerar för mänsklig rättighet och demokratisk utveckling”, när informed, som så bestämt påstår, var kompetent att använda KPI för deras politiska motivationar, eller, så det bestämda folket är det okända spänna av KPI på grund av deras placerar inom ett statligt, förlorar den ska domstolen trovärdighet, fortsätter de ska mänsklig rättighet för att överträdas, och den ska demokratiska utvecklingen kvävas. (1)
Den är beklagansvärd som aujourdhuien fallet av föregav crimenelen av kriger, och brottslingen mot mänsklighet, Bosco Ntaganda, blir inte ett fall som lyftte, att denna förutsägelse av denna organisation av mänsklig rättighet bärs ut under synar av den hela världen och markerar cridibilityen av den majestätiska KPI är den testade aujourdhuien; och det sig själv, att försvara dess trovärdighet, dess grundada goda och dess bensin.
På April 29, 2008, lyftte förberedande åtgärdrummet av KPI förseglar av ett berättigande för gripande mot Herr Bosco Ntaganda, den tidigare assistenten av chefen av bemannageneralen av de patriotiska styrkorna för frigöraren av Kongofloden (FPLC) i Ituri och strömstabschefen av medborgarekongressen för försvar av folk (CNDP), grupp som beväpnas i Nord-Kivu i DRC. Berättigandet för gripande enumerates tre krigsbrott: 1) enrôlement av barn av mer mindre än femton år; 2) uttagning till militärtjänstgöring av barn av mer mindre än femton år och 3) bruket av barn av mer mindre än femton år aktivt att tas del i hostilitetar. Men också, antecknas de nya brotten som begås i den Kivu norden, inte ännu, och det är tid att åklagare av domstolmakesna som inställningen på dagen av det förfärligt agerar begått under dess commendement i Kiwanja, till exempel, var borgerliga 150 massakrerades.
I faktum arrangerar det som är enkelt, att, efter lyfta av har förseglat av berättigande för gripande mot Bosco Ntaganda, på April 29, 2008, den straff- landskampen för domstolen som en institution, som tar omsorg av impunityen, inte gjorde något som var lik efter, för att ge värdera till dess berättigande för gripande och för att bevisa med den kongolesiska regeringen och till den antydda brottslingen att dess beslut inte är ett faktum av en osammanhängande bedömning. Finns det ingen mekanism till recourrir, om den körde upp av bristen av samarbete av det kongolesiskt påstår framme?
Implikationen av säkerhetsrådet av L ”UNO verkar för att vara ofrånkomlig, om berättigandet för gripande måste mot Ntaganda levererades för att bäras ut.
Det är extremt inconceivable att KPI glömde att i händelsen av återvändsgrändartikel 17, subparagraph 3 av den förhandlade överenskommelsen som reglerar förbindelsen mellan KPI och UNO, kan frammanas av kontoristen av KPI för att antyda säkerhetsrådet av UNO, vid intremisen av dess sekreterare - general, i sökandet för upplösningar. Här vilken något att sägakonst 17 av denna samma överenskommelse:
Stycke 5 (b) ”när efter att ha gripits av säkerhetsrådet, domstolen noterar, i överensstämmelse med artikel 87, och stycke 7, av lagar, som ett statligt vägrar för att samarbeta med det, det informerar av det säkerhetsrådet, eller ifrågasätta sänder till honom, enligt fall, och kontoristen meddelar säkerhetsrådet, vid mediationen av sekreteraren - general, beslutet av domstolen och information som är relevant på affären. Säkerhetsrådet, via sekreteraren - general, makes som är tillgängliga av domstolen, via hans kontorist, någon mätning, som det tar i arten ”(2)
om KPIfynd att detta fall Ntaganda nådde återvändsgränden i samarbetet med den statliga kongolesen, att den sänder detta fall med säkerhetsrådet av UNO till fyndlösningen där som är överens med artikel 87, stycker 7 av romfördraget:
”Om en statliga Partie inte når en förfrågan för samarbete, som motsatt till vad förutser, denna lagar och förhindrar thus den från att utöva fungerar och överhet som denna lagar tilldelar till honom, kan domstolen ta noterar av den och ser om den till parlamentet av påstår partier eller till säkerhetsrådet, när den är det som grep den. ” (3)
mäter felet av MONUC att ta mot en anklagad krigsförbrytare är i motsättning med deras beskickning i Kongofloden, därför att fred och rättvisa går räcker i räcka.
Tystnaden av UNO verkar för att antyda dess medhjälp i denna perpetuity av impunityen i Kongofloden! Om det inte är riktig, why säkerhetsrådet bemyndigar inte KPI för att använda de 17000 soldaterna av MONUC för att adoptera Bosco Ntaganda?
Framför allt är det tillrådligt att återkalla att artikel 8 av överenskommelsen förhandlar reglering av förbindelsen mellan KPI och UNO ger, att de två institutionerna måste konsultera varje annan, samarbetar och även utbyta sig av personalerna och servar. Något att säga för artikel 8.2 (b), som UNO och KPI instämm för att samarbeta för det tillfälliga utbytet av personaler, när det är, anslår klart, utan denna som inte förlorar dess rätter av seniority nor dess rätter för att pensionera. Det önskar till något att säga att det är lagligt och godtagbart att personalerna av UNO kan fungera för att förstärka berättigandet för gripande av KPI.
Rollen av Förenta nationen som en garant av landskampsäkerhet verkar för att omformas in i tjänstvilliga brottslingar, transgressors av mänsklig rättighet.
Det är beklagansvärt att märka att beskickningen av Förenta nationen i Kongofloden som är störst i världen, MONUC, som räknar bland dess personaler: 16.601 soldater, 737 observatörmilitärer, policians 1093 och 965 borgerliga specialister som hänseendemänsklig rättighet och humana affärer, utan att räkna dess lokal- och frivilligt bidragpersonaler; med en årsbudget av 1.243 miljon amerikandollar; återstå unfertile i dissuasionen från attrocitiesna som begås på den borgerliga befolkningen och dess incapacity för att stoppa den förment krigsförbrytaren, Bosco Ntaganda. Rollen av Förenta nationen som en garant av landskampsäkerhet verkar för att omformas in i tjänstvilliga brottslingar, transgressors av mänsklig rättighet.
På Januari 30, 2009, MONUC uttryckte öppet, under en presskonferens, på tiden av den gemensamma militära funktionen RDC-Rwanda, som den ska inte participara i en funktion, i som Bosco Ntaganda, förment krigsförbrytare och brottsling mot mänsklighet, lekar en ospecificerad roll. (4). Misslyckad aujourdhui, trolig källAl som samma MONUC tar delen i en gemensam funktion (MONUC-FARDC), med den Ndaganda något liknande enkoordinator, enligt BBC. (5)
Gilla någon annanstans, instrumenterar den lika landskampen för KPI i slagsmål mot impunity, och att förhindra grymheter kunde snabbt förlora dess värderar, om den inte inte tar hårdnar mäter för att starta att göra för att applicera dess egna berättiganden för gripande i Kongofloden.
Ingen tvivlar i dag, bestämt folk ser felet i gripandet av den Bosco Ntaganda något liknande en brist av den politiska gooden-will av säkerhetsrådet av UNO, ren och enkel tjänstvillig medhjälp och en skyldig vägran av UNO för att leka dess opartiska del i försvar av rättvisa och L '' irradication av impunityen, epidemin som skövlar människolivet, och som perennializes kränkningarna av mänsklig rättighet till Kongofloden i synnerhet och i Afrika i allmänhet. Det är också testa, som betvingas till den straff- domstolen för landskampen som bevisar i världen dess grundada goda, dess effektivitet, dess konsistensnågot liknande dess impartiality i öva av dess prerogatives. Världsväntningarna tålmodigt och uppmärksamt handlingarna av dessa två institutioner, så att rättvisa göras i Kongofloden, krigsförbrytarna Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware och andra stoppas, och tranferrés i avskyvärt Haguen som svarar deras, agerar.
Det är imperativet för den första permanent landskampdomstolen till uppehället per bestämd oklanderlig impartiality som förhindrar eller som förminskar åtminstone riskera, l5At sig ta med fällan av de samma författarna av kränkningar av mänsklig rättighet, som det skapades för hållande ansvarig. Why bommar för Bosco Ntaganda, den beryktade krigsförbrytaren och brott mot mänsklighetremainsens fria stunder för aujourdhui his/hennes tre kollaboratörer, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga och Thomas som Lubanga är aujourdhuien bak? Dess statligt av frihet, är inte det en underteckna av brist av allvarligt i förstärkningen av besluten av den straff- domstolen Internatinale och bristen av förpliktelse av säkerhetsrådet av Förenta nationen att ta omsorg på besluten av en dyr institution som den svor hans skapelse och svor för att bidra till genomförandet av hans beskickning. Är en ironi, när dessa påstår grundarear, säkerhetsrådet av UNO, något att säga som förpliktelsen som skrivs in in i i Rome för att sätta en benämnaàlimpunity, inte är förhandlingsbar!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO är direktören av gemenskapaffärerna av mobilizationen för rättvisa och fred i RD-Kongofloden (MJPC), en organisation som skarpt kritisera starkt beslutet av presidenten KABILA för att trotsa berättigandet för gripande av den straff- landskampen för domstolen mot krigsförbrytaren och brottslingen mot mänsklighet. MPJCEN har on-line kalla för begäran med den omgående gripandet av NTAGANDA som kan undertecknas med
http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Besöka wbsiten http://www.mjpcongo.org för ytterligare information på MJPCEN och av dess aktiviteter; eller appell Makuba T. SEKOMBO
till de 1 408.806 3644na eller e-post
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
Представить RD Конго с Советом безопасности UNO если он продолжается defy исполнение предписания для арестования CPI против Ntaganda
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
Отказ в арестовании отсутсвия highlight Bosco Ntaganda until now серьезного в подкреплении предписаний для арестования поставленного CPI. Если CPI находит, то что случай Ntaganda достиг тупика в сотрудничестве с положением Congolese, то он представляет этот случай с Советом безопасности UNO к разрешению находки там, в соответствии с статьей 87, параграф 7 договора Rome
положение Congolese, котор регулирует CPI для политического мотива?
После творения CPI в 2002, много из людей имело упование которому CPI inaugurate новый период международной ответственности для серьезных нарушений для прав человека, путем заботиться TAK, CTO виновницы будут переведены в правосудие. Оно для такой же причины что одни основатели CPI предвидели то пока кладущ конец к ненаказуемости, CPI разуверит будущие attrocities. Этот посыл создал упование для много людей, включая нашу организацию, мобилизацию для правосудия и мир в Конго которая воюет для промотирования правосудия и мира в DRC, строевой ненаказуемостью rigorously.
С любым despair с людьми Congolese, правительство Congolese предпочитало не остановить Bosco Ntaganda а довольно интегрировать его в усилиях Congolese подготовленных на претексте безопасности страны заповедника и процессе национального мира. Согласно выражению министра Congolese для правосудия, Luzolo Emmanuel-Январь: «In practice законно положения, его ya моментов когда требования мира продолжат традиционные потребности для правосудия». Of course здесь, правительство Congolese выбрало сыграть политику, для того чтобы ограничить правосудие, для того чтобы заблокировать демократическое развитие которое позволит Конго стать положением Droits. Это решение не для интереса людей Congolese. Оно одолжило предположению бывш используемому критиком арестования Thomas Lubanga и то правительство само Congolese, котор излучило. Предположение согласно, арестование и экстрадиция this last внутри créérait CPI больше конфликтов и handicap процесс мира и национальной примиренности. Очевидность говорит для себя, случая Thomas, котор Lubanga стало традиционным примером который доказывает что арестование Bosco Ntaganda не будет иметь NIKAKое влияние на процессе мира как поднятое правительство Congolese. Сверх того в настоящее время момент благоприятне для такого запроса того время арестования Thomas Lubanga; время было конфликтом и опасными. Несмотря на все, прогноз критицизма никогда не материализовал.
Если правительство Congolese продолжается поддерживать это положение, то не будет временем для международного штрафного суда или Совета безопасности Организации Объединенных Наций, к взятию другой меры предосторожности окончательно позволить правосудие завершить свой курс? CPI, тишина делает стоп Bosco Ntganda усилия или пользы оно другие обеспечения в своем обеспечении окончательно удостоить своего решения?
Важно для CPI очень сделать для того чтобы сохранить свое правдоподобие
канадский неправительственныа организации «международные центры для прав человека и демократическое развитие» как только informed настолько некоторые положения могут использовать CPI для их политических мотивов, или поэтому одни люди за рядом CPI из-за их положения внутри положение, суд потеряет правдоподобие, права человека будут продолжаться быть нарушенным, и демократическое развитие будет ограничено. (1)
оно deplorable aujourdhui случай ссылалось crimenel войны и преступника против гуманности, Bosco Ntaganda, не будет случаем который поднял что этот прогноз этой организации прав человека унесен под глазами всего мира и выделяет cridibility величественного CPI будет испытанное aujourdhui; сам и т, защитить свое правдоподобие, свое основанное хорошее и свой газолин.
29-ого апреля 2008, предварительная комната CPI подняла уплотнения предписания для арестования против га-н. Bosco Ntaganda, бывший ассистент вождя генералитета штата патриотическия силы для отпуска Конго (FPLC) в Ituri, и в настоящее время начальник штаба народного собрания для обороны людей (CNDP), группа подготовило в Севере-Kivu в DRC. Предписание для арестования перечисляет 3 военные преступления: 1) enrôlement детей меньш чем 15 лет; 2) солдатчина детей меньш чем 15 лет, и 3) польза детей меньш чем 15 лет активно быть принятым участие в враждебностях. Но также, новые злодеяния порученные в севере Kivu не записаны пока и будет временем что обвинитель моделей суда, котор установка на дне horrible поступков perpetrated под своим commendement в Kiwanja, например, где 150 гражданское были massacred.
В действительности, оно просто что после подниматься уплотнений предписания для арестования против Bosco Ntaganda, 29-ого апреля 2008, международная суда штрафная как заведение которое позаботится о ненаказуемость, не сделала что-нибыдь как following этап дать значение к своему предписанию для арестования и доказать с правительством Congolese и к подразумеваемому преступнику что своим решением не будет факт несвязного суждения. Никакой механизм к recourrir если оно побежало вверх перед отсутсвием сотрудничества положения Congolese?
Кажется, что будет прикосновенность Совета безопасности l «UNO неизбежна если предписание для арестования против Ntaganda было поставлено быть унесенным.
Весьма невообразимо что CPI забыл что в случае статьи 17 тупика, подпункт 3 обсуженного согласования управляя отношениями между CPI и UNO, может быть evoked клерком CPI для того чтобы подразумевать Совет безопасности UNO, intremise своего Генерального секретаря ООН, в поиске для разрешений. Здесь говорит искусствоо 17 этого такого же согласования:
«Когда заедаемо Советом безопасности, примечаниями суда, в соответствии с статьей 87, параграфом 5 (b) и параграфом 7, законоположения, что положение отказывает скооперировать с им, оно сообщает его Совет безопасности или вопрос представляет к ему, согласно случаю, и клерк связывает Совет безопасности, посредничеством Генерального секретаря ООН, решение суда и информация уместная на деле. Совет безопасности, через Генеральный секретарь ООН, модели имеющиеся суда, через его клерк, любое измерение которому оно take in вид «(2)
если CPI находит, то что этот случай Ntaganda достиг тупика в сотрудничестве с положением Congolese, что он представляет этот случай с Советом безопасности UNO к разрешению находки там, в соответствии с статьей 87, параграф 7 договора Rome:
«Если положение Partie не достигает запрос для сотрудничества в отличие от envisages это законоположение и таким образом предотвращает его от прилагать функции и силы, то это законоположение совещается к ему, суд может принять примечание его и сослаться о ем к парламенту государства-участники договора или к Совету безопасности когда он то которое заело его. » (3)
отказ MONUC принять измерения против обвиненного военного преступника находится в несоответствии с их полетом в Конго потому что мир и правосудие идут рука в руке.
Кажется, что подразумевает безмолвие UNO свое соучастие в этом perpetuity ненаказуемости в Конго! Если то не поистине, то почему Совет безопасности не утверждает CPI для использования 17000 войск MONUC принять Bosco Ntaganda?
Прежде всего, целесообразно вспомнить что статья 8 согласования обсуждает управлять отношениями между CPI и UNO обеспечивает что 2 заведения должны посоветовать с, кооперирует и даже обменять персонала и обслуживаний. Статья 8.2 (b) говорит ясно что UNO и CPI соглашаются скооперировать для временно обмена персонала когда соотвествующее, без это одного не теряя свои права старшинства ни свои права к пенсии. То хочет сказать что законно и приемлемо что персонал UNO может работать для того чтобы усилить предписание для арестования CPI.
Кажется, что преобразована роль Организации Объединенных Наций как guarantor международной безопасности в obliging преступников, transgressors прав человека.
Оно deplorable для того чтобы заметить что полет Организации Объединенных Наций в Конго, самый большой в мире, MONUC, которое подсчитывает среди своего персонала: 16.601 воин, 737 militaries наблюдателей, policians 1093 и 965 гражданские специалистов что касается прав человека и гуманных дел без подсчитывать свой местный и добровольный персонал; с годовым бюджетом 1.243 миллиона американских долларов; останьте unfertile в dissuasion от attrocities perpetrated на гражданской населенности и своей неспособности для того чтобы остановить supposed военного преступника, Bosco Ntaganda. Кажется, что преобразована роль Организации Объединенных Наций как guarantor международной безопасности в obliging преступников, transgressors прав человека.
30-ого января 2009, MONUC выразило открыто, во время пресс-конференции, во время совместной воинской деятельности RDC-Руанды, которой оно не будет participara в деятельности в которой Bosco Ntaganda, supposed военный преступник и преступник против гуманности, игры неспецифицированная роль. (4). Disappointing aujourdhui, credible Al источника что такое же MONUC принимает участие в совместной работе (MONUC-FARDC), с Ndaganda как Co-координатор, согласно BBC. (5)
в Конго, как в другом месте, CPI как документыа о международных соглашениях в драке против ненаказуемости и предотвратить зверства смог быстро потерять свое значение если он не не принимает конкретные измерения начать сделать для того чтобы приложить свои собственные предписания для арестования.
Никак сомнения сегодня, одни люди видят отказ в арестовании Bosco Ntaganda как отсутсвие политического good-will Совета безопасности UNO, чисто и просто obliging соучастия и виновного неоказания UNO сыграть свою нелицеприятную часть в обороне правосудия и l irradication '' ненаказуемости, чумы которая опустошают человеческая жизнь и которая perennializes нарушения прав человека к Конго в частности и в Африке вообще. Будет также испытанием к подвергается международный штрафной суд для того чтобы доказать в мире свое основанное хорошее, своей эффективностью, своей последовательностью как своя беспристрастность в тренировке своих прерогатив. Мир ждет терпеливейше и внимательн действия этих 2 заведений TAK, CTO правосудие будет сделано в Конго, военных преступников Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware и другие остановлено и tranferrés в abominable The Hague для того чтобы ответить их поступкам.
Повелительно для первого постоянного международного суда держать некоторую impeccable беспристрастность для того чтобы предотвратить или уменьшить по крайней мере риск препятствовало принять с ловушкой такими же авторами нарушений прав человека по мере того как она была создана для держать ответственн. Почему Bosco Ntaganda, заведомое военный преступник и aujourdhui остатка преступления против человечества свободно пока его/ее 3 сотрудницы, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Germain Katanga и Thomas Lubanga aujourdhui за адвокатскими сословиями? Своим положением свободы, не будет оно знак отсутсвия серьезного в подкреплении решений штрафного суда Internatinale и отсутсвия принятия окончательного решения Совета безопасности Организации Объединенных Наций позаботиться на решениях дорогего заведения которому оно присягнуло его творению и присягнуло для того чтобы способствовать к осуществлению его полета. Ироничность когда эти положения founders, Совет безопасности UNO, говорит что принятие окончательного решения вписанное в в Rome для того чтобы положить ненаказуемость àl термине не negotiable!
T. Makuba. SEKOMBO будет директором дел общины мобилизации для правосудия и мира в RD Конго (MJPC), организации которая сильно денонсирует решение президента KABILA для того чтобы defy предписание для арестования международной суда штрафная против военного преступника и преступника против гуманности. MPJC имеет ходатайство на линии вызывая с немедленно арестованием NTAGANDA можно подписать с
http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
Для более подробная информация на MJPC и своих деятельностей, посетите wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; или T. Makuba звонока. SEKOMBO
до 1 408.806 3644 или и-мэйло
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
RD Kongo aanbrengen voor de Raad van Veiligheid van UNO als zij de Uitvoering van het Arrestatiebevel van CPI tegen Ntaganda blijft uitdagen
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
De mislukking in de arrestatie van Bosco Ntaganda tot hiertoe vestigt de aandacht op het gebrek van de ernst in de versterking van arrestatiebevelen die door CPI worden uitgereikt. Als CPI wat het geval van Ntaganda heeft bereikt de impasse in de samenwerking met de Kongolese Staat vindt, wat aan zij brengt dit geval voor de Raad van Veiligheid van UNO om er oplossing, in overeenstemming met artikel 87, lid 7 van het Verdrag van Rome de Kongolese
Staat hanteert CPI voor een politieke motivatie te vinden?
Na de oprichting van CPI in 2002, hebben vele mensen de hoop gehad dat CPI een nieuwe periode van de internationale verantwoordelijkheid voor de ernstige overtredingen van de menselijke rechten zal inwijden, door toe te zien op opdat schuldig in rechtvaardigheid wordt vertaald. Het is omwille van dezelfde reden dat bepaalde stichters van CPI hebben vervroegd dat door aan de straffeloosheid een eind te maken, CPI toekomstige attrocités zal afraden. Deze belofte heeft de hoop voor vele mensen, met inbegrip van onze organisatie, de Mobilisatie voor de Rechtvaardigheid en de Vrede in Kongo gecreëerd dat om de promotie van de rechtvaardigheid en de vrede in RDC strijdt, door de straffeloosheid streng combatant.
Met elke Kongolese désespoir aan het volk, heeft de Kongolese regering verkozen Bosco Ntaganda niet tegen te houden maar het eerder integreren in de strijdkrachten Kongolese op voorwendsel om de nationale veiligheid en het proces van de nationale vrede te behouden. Volgens de uitdrukking van de Kongolese minister van de rechtvaardigheid, Emmanuel-Januari Luzolo: „In de praktijk rechterlijk van een Staat, hij ya van de momenten waar de eisen van de vrede op de traditionele behoeften van de rechtvaardigheid“ afhalen. Natuurlijk hier, heeft de Kongolese regering geopteerd om de politiek te spelen, de rechtvaardigheid te verstikken, de democratische ontwikkeling te belemmeren die Kongo zal toelaten om een Rechtsstaat te worden. Deze beslissing is niet voor het Kongolese belang van het volk. Zij heeft de veronderstelling geleend die vroeger door de kritiek van de arrestatie van Thomas Lubanga wordt gebruikt en die de Kongolese regering zelf had verworpen. De veronderstelling volgens dewelke, de arrestatie en de uitlevering van laatstgenoemde aan CPI meer conflicts créérait en het vredesproces en nationale verzoening zouden benadelen. De klaarblijkelijkheid spreekt voor zichzelf, het geval van Thomas Lubanga is een klassieke example geworden die bewijst dat de arrestatie van Bosco Ntaganda geen enkel gevolg zal hebben voor het vredesproces zoals de Kongolese regering het heeft opgetild. Trouwens is het huidige moment gunstiger voor een dergelijk verzoek dan de tijd van de arrestatie van Thomas Lubanga; een tijd die meer conflictueel en gevaarlijker was. Ondanks alles heeft prédiction van kritiek zich nooit belichaamd.
Als de Kongolese regering deze positie blijft handhaven, is hij niet de tijd voor het Internationale StrafHof of het advies van Veiligheid van Verenigde Naties, om van andere voorzorg tenslotte om de rechtvaardigheid toe te laten om zijn koers te beëindigen te nemen? Doet CPI, nog van inspanning om Bosco Ntganda of gebruikt andere provisies in zijn beschikking tenslotte om zijn beslissing te eren tegen te houden?
Het is belangrijk voor CPI om alles te doen om zijn geloofwaardigheid te behouden
de canadese niet- gouvernementele organisatie „The Internationaal Centrum for Human Rights and Democratic Development“ eens heeft verwittigd dat als bepaalde Staten zijn in staat CPI voor hun politieke motivatie te gebruiken, of als bepaalde personen afgezien van de reikwijdte van CPI door hun positie binnen een Staat zijn, het Hof van de geloofwaardigheid zal verliezen, zullen de mensenrechten blijven geschonden worden, en de democratische ontwikkeling zal verstikt worden. (1)
het is beklagenswaardig dat aujourdhui het Geval van beweerd crimenel van oorlog en misdadiger tegen de mensheid, Bosco Ntaganda, geen geval wordt die erop gewezen dat dit prédiction van deze organisatie van menselijke rechten onder de ogen van de gehele wereld gebeurt en de aandacht vestigt op cridibilité van verheven CPI aujourdhui wordt getest; en dat zelf, om zijn geloofwaardigheid, zijn gegrondheid en zijn benzine te verdedigen.
Op 29 april 2008, heeft de voorafgaande Kamer van CPI de zegels van een arrestatiebevel tegen de Heer opgeheven. Bosco Ntaganda, de vroegere assistent van het hoofd van de algemene Staf van de patriottische Krachten voor de liberalisering van Kongo (FPLC) in Ituri, en de huidige nationale stafchef van het Congres voor de bescherming van het volk (CNDP), groep die in Nord-Kivu in RDC worden gewapend. Het arrestatiebevel omvat drie oorlogsmisdaden: 1) enrôlement van kinderen van minder dan vijftien jaar; 2) de dienstplicht van kinderen van minder dan vijftien jaar, en 3) het gebruik van kinderen van minder dan vijftien jaar aan vijandelijkheden actief deel te nemen. Maar ook, worden de nieuwe misdaden begaan aan het Noorden Kivu nog niet geregistreerd en het is tijd dat de Procureur van het Hof de inzet aan de dag van de afschuwelijke handelingen doet die onder zijn commendement aan Kiwanja worden gepleegd, bijvoorbeeld, waar 150 burgers werden afgeslacht.
In feite hij semple die na het opheffen van zegels van arrestatiebevel tegen Bosco Ntaganda, Op 29 april 2008, de Tennisbaan Straf Internationaal als instelling die op de straffeloosheid toeziet, niets heeft doet als volgende etappe om de waarde te geven aan zijn arrestatiebevel en aan de Kongolese regering en de betrokken misdadiger slechts zijn beslissing bewijzen is geen feit van een onsamenhangend oordeel. Is er geen mechanisme om als zij zich voor het gebrek aan samenwerking aan de Kongolese Staat recourrir heeft gestoten?
Het gevolg van de Raad van Veiligheid van l " UNO schijnt onvermijdelijk te zijn als het arrestatiebevel tegen Ntaganda werd uitgereikt moet om uitgevoerd te worden.
Het is erg onvoorstelbaar dat CPI is vergeten dat in geval van impasse artikel 17, alinea 3 van de Onderhandelde over Overeenkomst die de betrekkingen tussen CPI en UNO regelt, door de Griffier van CPI vermeld kan worden teneinde de Raad van Veiligheid van UNO, door intremise van zijn Algemene Secretaris, in het onderzoek van resoluties te impliceren. Ziehier wat de Kunst 17 van dezelfde overeenkomst zegt:
„Wanneer wordt geraadpleegd door de Raad van veiligheid, het Hof vaststelt, overeenkomstig artikel 87, lid 5 (b) en lid 7, van het statuut, dat een Staat weigert om met haar samen te werken, deelt zij de Raad ervan van Veiligheid mede of daagt hem de vraag voor de rechter, naargelang het geval, en de Griffier deelt de Raad van Veiligheid mee, via de Secretaris-generaal, de beslissing van het Hof en de relevante informatie over de zaak. De Raad van Veiligheid, via de Secretaris-generaal, deur aan de kennis van het Hof, via zijn Griffier, elke maatregel die hij in het onderhavige geval treft " (2)
als CPI vindt dat dit geval Ntaganda de impasse in de samenwerking met de Kongolese Staat heeft bereikt, dat zij dit geval voor de Raad van Veiligheid van UNO aanbrengt om er oplossing te vinden, in overeenstemming met artikel 87, lid 7 van het Verdrag van Rome:
„Als een Staat Partij niet een samenwerkingsvraag in tegenstelling tot bereikt dat wat voorziet dit Statuut en het aldus verhindert om de ambten uit te oefenen en bevoegdheden die hem dit Statuut verleent, het Hof nota ervan kan nemen en erover verwijzen naar het Parlement van de Staten Partijen of naar de Raad van Veiligheid wanneer het die is die het heeft gegrepen. “ (3)
de mislukking van MONUC om maatregelen tegen een beschuldigde misdadiger van oorlog te treffen is in tegenstrijdigheid met hun taak in Kongo omdat de vrede en de rechtvaardigheid hand in de hand gaan.
De stilte van UNO schijnt zijn medeplichtigheid in deze eeuwigheid van de straffeloosheid in Kongo te impliceren! Als dat niet waar, waarom de Raad van veiligheid toestaat CPI niet is om de 17000 troepen van MONUC te gebruiken om Bosco Ntaganda tegen te houden?
Vooral is het nodig om eraan te herinneren dat Artikel 8 van de Overeenkomst onderhandelt die de betrekkingen tussen CPI en UNO regelt, bepaalt dat beide instellingen zich moeten raadplegen, samenwerken en zich zelfs van het personeel en diensten ruilen. Artikel 8.2 (b) zegt duidelijk dat UNO en CPI passen om met het oog op de tijdelijke uitwisseling van personeel samen te werken wanneer het past, zonder dat deze zijn rechten van anciënniteit noch zijn uitkeringsrechten niet verliest. Dat wil zeggen dat het wettelijk en aanvaardbaar is dat het personeel van UNO kan werken om het arrestatiebevel van CPI te versterken.
De rol van de Verenigde Naties als borg van de internationale veiligheid schijnt in vriendelijk te veranderen van de misdadigers, overtreders van menselijke rechten.
Het is beklagenswaardig om op te merken dat de Taak van Verenigde Naties in Kongo, het grootst aan de wereld, MONUC telt, die onder zijn personeel: 16,601 soldaten, 737 waarnemers militaries, 1093 policiens en 965 burgers specialisten inzake menselijke rechten en humanitaire zaken zonder zijn plaatselijk en vrijwillig personeel te tellen; met een jaarlijkse begroting van 1.243 miljoen Amerikaanse Dollar; onvruchtbare woonplaats in het afraden van attrocités die op de burgerlijke bevolking en zijn onvermogen worden gepleegd om tegen te houden vermoed misdadig van oorlog, Bosco Ntaganda. De rol van de Verenigde Naties als borg van de internationale veiligheid schijnt in vriendelijk te veranderen van de misdadigers, overtreders van menselijke rechten.
Op 30 Januari 2009, heeft MONUC, gedurende een persconferentie, op het moment van de gemeenschappelijke militaire verrichting RDC-Rwanda openlijk uitgesproken, dat zij niet in een verrichting participara waarin Bosco Ntaganda, die van oorlog en misdadiger tegen de mensheid misdadig wordt vermoed, een willekeurige rol speelt. (4). Teleurstellende aujourdhui, de geloofwaardige bron voeren aan dat dezelfde MONUC in een gemeenschappelijke verrichting (MONUC-FARDC), met Ndaganda zoals een co-coördinator, volgens BBC deelneemt. (5)
in Kongo, zoals elders, zou CPI als internationaal instrument in de bestrijding van de straffeloosheid en om gruweldaden te verhinderen snel zijn waarde kunnen verliezen als zij geen concrete maatregelen niet treft om haar eigen arrestatiebevelen te beginnen te laten toepassen.
Geen twijfels vandaag, zien bepaalde personen de mislukking in de arrestatie van Bosco Ntaganda zoals een politiek gebrek aan wil aan de Raad van veiligheid van UNO, een zuivere en eenvoudige vriendelijke medeplichtigheid en een schuldige weigering van UNO om zijn onpartijdige rol in de defensie van de rechtvaardigheid en l '' irradication van de straffeloosheid, de plaag te spelen die het mensenleven verwoest en die de overtredingen van de menselijke recht op Kongo in het bijzonder stabiliseert en in Afrika in het algemeen. Hij is eveneens de proef waaraan het Internationale StrafHof wordt voorgelegd om aan de wereld zijn gegrondheid te bewijzen, zijn doeltreffendheid, zijn vastheid alsmede zijn onpartijdigheid in exercise van zijn prerogatieven. De wereld wacht geduldig en aandachtig de acties van deze twee instellingen opdat de rechtvaardigheid in Kongo, de misdadigers van oorlog Bosco Ntaganda, Laurent Nkundabatware wordt gedaan en anderen zijn vastgesteld en in Den Haag tranferrés om op hun ACTS te antwoorden afschuwelijk.
Het is absoluut nodig voor de eerste permanente internationale rechtbank een zekere onberispelijke onpartijdigheid te houden om het risico minstens te voorkomen of te verminderen om zich aan de strik door dezelfde auteurs van overtredingen van de menselijke rechten te laten nemen dan zij voor werd gecreëerd om verantwoordelijk te houden. Waarom Bosco Ntaganda, blijft de algemeene bekend misdadiger van oorlog en misdaad tegen mensheid vrije aujourdhui terwijl zijn drie medewerkers, Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, Vol Katanga en Thomas Lubanga aujourdhui achter de staven zijn? Is zijn vrijheidsstand, geen teken van gebrek van de ernst in de versterking van de beslissingen van het StrafHof Internatinale en het gebrek aan verplichting aan de Raad van Veiligheid van Verenigde Naties om over de beslissingen van toe te zien op een dure instelling die hij zijn oprichting en juré heeft gezworen om aan de implementatie van zijn taak te helpen. Is hij een ironie wanneer deze standen stichters, de Raad van Veiligheid van UNO, zeggen dat de verbintenis die in Rome is aangegaan om een einde te maken àl' de straffeloosheid niet verhandelbaar is!
Makuba T. SEKOMBO is de Directeur van de Communautaire Zaken van de Mobilisatie voor de Rechtvaardigheid en de Vrede in RD Kongo (MJPC), een organisatie die de beslissing van President KABILA sterk aangeeft om het arrestatiebevel van Straf kort uit te dagen Internationaal tegen de misdadiger van oorlog en misdadiger tegen de mensheid. MPJC heeft on-line een petitie appellerend aan de directe arrestatie van NTAGANDA die aan http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
voor
een meer informatie ondertekend kan worden over MJPC en van zijn activiteiten, bezoekt wbsite http://www.mjpcongo.org; of noemt Makuba T. SEKOMBO
aan 1 408.806 3644 of e-mail
msekombo@mjpcongo.org
أن يقدّم ال [رد] كونغو مع الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة إن هو يستمرّ أن يتحدّى التنفيذ من الأمر لإعتقال ال [كبي] ضدّ [نتغندا]
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
الإخفاق في الإعتقال من [بوسك] [نتغندا] [أونتيل نوو] حدث هامّ افتقار من جدّيّة في التقوية الأوامر لإعتقال يسلّم ب [كبي]. إن [كبي] يجد أنّ بلغ الحالة [نتغندا] ال [دد ند] في التعاون مع [كنغلس] دولة, أنّ هو يقدّم هذا حالة مع الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة إلى اكتشاف حل هناك, في إتفاق مع مادة 87, فقرة 7 من المعاهدة روما
[كنغلس] دولة يعالج [كبي] لتحريض سياسيّة?
بعد الخلق ال [كبي] في 2002, تلقّى كثير من الناس الأمل أيّ [كبي] سيفتتح فترة جديدة من المسؤولية دوليّة للانتهاكات جدّيّة لالحقوق الإنسان, ب يأخذ عناية [س ثت] المتهمات يكون ترجمت داخل عدل. هو ل ال نفسه سبب أنّ توقّع مؤسسات مؤكّدة [كبي] أنّ بينما يضع نهاية إلى حصانة, [كبي] سيصدّ ال [أتّروستيس] مقبلة. خلق هذا وعد الأمل ل كثير الناس, بما في ذلك تنظيمنا, التعبئة لعدل وسلام في كونغو أيّ يتنازع للترقية العدل وسلام في [درك], بحصانة مقاتلة بصرامة.
مع أيّ قنوط مع [كنغلس] الناس, [كنغلس] فضّل حكومة لا أن يتوقّف [بوسك] [نتغندا] غير أنّ بالأحرى أن يضمن هو في [كنغلس] قوات يسلّح على ذريعة من إحتكار أمان وطنيّة والعملية من سلام وطنيّة. وفقا ل التعبير من [كنغلس] وزير لعدل, [لوزولو] [إمّنول-جنوري]: "فعلا جائز من دولة, هو [يا] من الأعزام عندما [كرّي ون] المتطلبات السلام الحاجات تقليديّة لعدل". [أف كورس] هنا, [كنغلس] اختار حكومة أن يلعب السياسة, أن يختنق عدل, أن يمنع التطوير ديموقراطيّة أيّ سيسمح كونغو أن يصبح دولة ال [درويتس]. ليس هذا قرار للفائدة من [كنغلس] الناس. هو اقترض الافتراض سابقا يستعمل بالناقدة من الإعتقال توماس [لوبنغ] وأنّ [كنغلس] حكومة بنفسي كان قد رفض. عاق الافتراض وفقا ل أيّ, الإعتقال والعمليّة تسليم من [ثيس لست] داخل [كبي] [كرريت] كثير نزاعات والعملية من سلام وتوفيق وطنيّة. يتكلّم ال [أبفيووسنسّ] ل بنفسي, الحالة توماس [لوبنغ] أصبح مثال تقليديّة أيّ يبرهن أنّ الإعتقال [بوسك] [نتغندا] لن يتلقّى أيّ تأثير على العملية السلام مثل [كنغلس] حكومة يرفع. فضلا عن ذلك العزم حاليّة أكثر [ففووربل] ل هذا طلب أنّ الوقت من الإعتقال توماس [لوبنغ]; وقت أيّ كان نزاع وأكثر خطرة. على الرغم من كلّ شيء, التنبّؤ النقد أبدا يجسّد.
إن [كنغلس] حكومة يستمرّ أن يبقي هذا موقعة, ليس هو وقت للمحكمة دوليّة جزائيّة أو الأمن مجلس من الالأمم المتّحدة, إلى لقطة من آخر إحتياط أخيرا أن يسمح عدل أن يتمّ مسلكه? [كبي], سكون يجعل جهد موقف [بوسك] [نتغندا] أو إستعمالات هو أخرى إحتياطات في إحتياطه أخيرا أن ينفذ قراره?
هو مهمّة ل [كبي] أن جدّا جعلت أن يحفظ مصداقيته
ال [نونغفرنمنتل ورغنيزأيشن] كنديّة "المراكز دوليّة لحقوق الإنسان وسيخسر تطوير ديموقراطيّة" ما إن يعلم أنّ دول مؤكّدة هكذا يكونون يمكن أن يستعمل [كبي] لتحاريضهم سياسيّة, أو لذلك الناس مؤكّدة يكونون إلى ما بعد المدى ال [كبي] بسبب موقعتهم ضمن دولة, المحكمة مصداقية, الحقوق الإنسان سيستمرّون أن يكون انتهكت, والتطوير ديموقراطيّة كنت سيختنق. (1)
هو بائس أيّ [أوجووردهوي] الحالة من زعم ال [كريمنل] من حرب ومجرمة ضدّ إنسانية, [بوسك] [نتغندا], لا يصبح حالة أيّ رفع أنّ وفيت هذا تنبّؤ من هذا تنظيم الحقوق الإنسان تحت الأعين من العالم كاملة ويركّز ال [كريديبيليتي] من [كبي] فخمة يكون [أوجووردهوي] يختبر; وأنّ بنفسي, أن يدافع مصداقيته, ه يؤسّس جيّدة وبنزينه.
في أبريل - نيسان 29, 2008, رفع الغرفة تمهيديّة [كبي] الختم صوف من أمر لإعتقال ضدّ [مر.]. سلّح [بوسك] [نتغندا], المساعدة سابقة من الرئيس من الملاكة جنرال من القوات وطنيّة للإطلاق كونغو ([فبلك]) في [إيتثري], وال [شف وف ستفّ] حاليّة من ال [نأيشنل كنغرسّ] للدفاع الالناس ([كندب]), مجموعة في [نورث-كيفو] في [درك]. يعدّ الأمر لإعتقال ثلاثة جريمة حرب: 1) [إنرلمنت] الأطفال من أقلّ من خمسة عشر سنون; 2) التجنيد الأطفال من أقلّ من خمسة عشر سنون, و3) الإستعمال الأطفال من أقلّ من خمسة عشر سنون أن يكون بنشاط ساهمت في عداءات. غير أنّ أيضا, لا يسجّل الجرائم جديدة يرتكب في [كيفو] شمال بعد وهو وقت أنّ المدعية من المحكمة يجعل العمليّة إعداد في اليوم من الأعمال رهيبة يرتكب تحت [كمّندمنت] ه في [كيونجا], مثلا, حيث 150 مدنيّة كان ذبحت.
لم يتمّ [إين فكت], هو بسيطة أنّ بعد ال يرفع من ختم صوف الأمر لإعتقال ضدّ [بوسك] [نتغندا], في أبريل - نيسان 29, 2008, المحكمة جزائيّة دوليّة كمؤسسة أيّ يأخذ عناية الحصانة, أيّ شيء مثل مرحلة تالي أن يعطي القيمة إلى أمره لإعتقال وأن يبرهن مع [كنغلس] حكومة وإلى ال يتضمّن مجرمة أنّ قراره ليس حقيقة من حكم مفكّكة. يكون هناك ما من آلية إلى [ركورّير] إن هو ركض فوق أمام الافتقار التعاون من [كنغلس] دولة?
يبدو التضمن من الأمن مجلس ال [ل] "منظّمة أمم متّحدة أن يكون يتحتّم إن الأمر لإعتقال ينبغي ضدّ [نتغندا] كان سلّمت أن يكون وفيت.
هو جدّا مستبعد أنّ نسي [كبي] أنّ [إين ث فنت وف] [دد ند] مادة 17, فقرة إضافيّة 3 من ال يفاوض إتفاق يحكم العلاقات بين [كبي] ومنظّمة أمم متّحدة, يستطيع كنت أثرت بالكاتبة ال [كبي] [إين وردر تو] تضمّنت الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة, ب ال [إينترميس] من أمين عامّه, في البحر لقرارات. هنا ماذا يقول فن 17 من هذا نفسه إتفاق:
"عندما يتلقّى يكون على قبض بالأمن مجلس, المحكمة بطاقات, وفق مادة 87, فقرة 5 [(ب)] وفقرة 7, من القانون, أنّ يرفض دولة أن يتعاون مع هو, هو يعلم من هو الأمن مجلس أو السؤال يقدّم إلى ه, وفقا ل حالة, والكاتبة يتّصل الأمن مجلس, بالتوسط من الأمين عامّ, القرار من المحكمة ومعلومة موافقة على العمل. الأمن مجلس, عن طريق الأمين عامّ, صنع يتوفّر من المحكمة, عن طريق كاتبته, أيّ قياس أيّ هو [تك ين] النوع "(2)
إن [كبي] يجد أنّ بلغ هذا حالة [نتغندا] ال [دد ند] في التعاون مع [كنغلس] دولة, أنّ هو يقدّم هذا حالة مع الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة إلى اكتشاف حل هناك, في إتفاق مع مادة 87, فقرة 7 من المعاهدة روما:
"إن دولة [برتي] لا يبلغ طلب لتعاون [أس وبّوسد تو] ماذا يتصوّر هذا قانون ولذلك يمنع هو من يبذل الأعمال وقوى أيّ هذا قانون يقلّل إلى ه, المحكمة يستطيع أخذت بطاقة من هو ورجعت حول هو إلى المجلس نواب من الدول أحزاب أو إلى الأمن مجلس عندما هو أنّ أيّ على قبض هو. " (3)
الإخفاق ال [مونوك] أن يأخذ إجراءات ضدّ حرب مجرمة يتّهم في تناقض مع مهمتهم في كونغو لأنّ سلام وعدل يذهب يد في اليد.
يبدو الحالة سكون منظّمة أمم متّحدة أن يتضمّن تواطؤه في هذا أبديّة الحصانة في كونغو! لا يفوّض إن أنّ ليس يصحّ, لماذا الأمن مجلس [كبي] أن يستعمل ال 17000 قوات ال [مونوك] أن يتبنّى [بوسك] [نتغندا]?
خاصّة, هو مستحسنة أن يتذكّر أنّ يفاوض مادة 8 من الإتفاق يحكم العلاقات بين [كبي] ومنظّمة أمم متّحدة يزوّد أنّ الاثنان مؤسسات ينبغي استشرت بعضهم بعضا, يتعاون وأن حتّى تبادلتبنفسي من المستخدمة وخدمات. يقول مادة 8.2 [(ب)] بوضوح أنّ منظّمة أمم متّحدة و [كبي] يوافق أن يتعاون للتبادل مؤقّتة مستخدمة عندما هو مناسبة, دون هذا واحدة لا يخسر حقوقه الأقدميّة ولا حقوقه إلى معاش. أنّ يريد أن يقول أنّ هو جائز ومقبولة أنّ المستخدمة منظّمة أمم متّحدة يستطيع عملت أن يعزّز الأمر لإعتقال ال [كبي].
يبدو الدور من الالأمم المتّحدة كضامنة من أمان دوليّة أن يكون غيّرت داخل مجرمات [أبليجنغ], [ترنسغرسّور] الحقوق الإنسان.
هو بائس أن يلاحظ أنّ المهمة من الالأمم المتّحدة في كونغو, كبيرة في العالم, [مونوك], أيّ يعدّ بين مستخدمته: 16,601 جنديات, 737 ملاحظات جيوش, 1093 [بوليسنس] و965 إختصاصيات مدنيّة [أس رغردس] حقوق الإنسان وأعمال إنسانيّة دون يعدّ ه محلّية ومستخدمة إراديّة; مع [أنّول بودجت] من 1.243 مليون دولارات أمريكيّة; بقيت [أونفرتيل] في الردع من ال [أتّروستيس] يرتكب على الالسّكان مدنيّة وعدم قدرته أن يتوقّف مزعومة حرب مجرمة, [بوسك] [نتغندا]. يبدو الدور من الالأمم المتّحدة كضامنة من أمان دوليّة أن يكون غيّرت داخل مجرمات [أبليجنغ], [ترنسغرسّور] الحقوق الإنسان.
عبّر عن في يناير - كانون الثّاني 30, 2009, [مونوك] علانيّة, أثناء مؤتمر صحفيّ, [أت ث تيم وف] العملية مشتركة عسكريّة [ردك-روندا], أيّ هو يريد لا [برتيسبرا] في عملية في أيّ [بوسك] [نتغندا], حرب مزعومة إجراميّة ومجرمة ضدّ إنسانية, لعب دور غيرمعيّن. (4). [أوجووردهوي] مخيّب للآمال, معقولة مصدر [أل] أنّ يساهم نفسه [مونوك] في عملية مشتركة ([مونوك-فردك]), مع [ندغندا] مثل [ك-كوردينتور], وفقا ل [بّك]. (5)
في كونغو, مثل في مكان آخر, [كبي] مثل جهاز دوليّة في المعركة ضدّ حصانة وأن يمنع شناعة استطاع سريعا خسرت قيمته إن هو لا لا يأخذ إجراءات مادّيّة أن يبدأ أن يجعل طبّقت ه خاصّة أوامر لإعتقال.
ما من يرى ال [دووبتس] اليوم, الناس مؤكّدة الإخفاق في الإعتقال [بوسك] [نتغندا] مثل افتقار من [غود-ويلّ] سياسيّة من الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة, صافية وتواطؤ بسيطة [أبليجنغ] ورفض مذنبة منظّمة أمم متّحدة أن يلعب جزءه متجرّدة في الدفاع من عدل و [ل] '' إبادة من حصانة, الطاعون أيّ يخرب الحياة إنسانيّة وأيّ [برنّيليزس] الانتهاكات من الحقوق الإنسان إلى كونغو [إين برتيكلر] وفي إفريقيا في جنرال. هو أيضا الإختبار إلى أيّ يكون عرضت المحكمة دوليّة جزائيّة أن يبرهن في العالمه يؤسّس جيّدة, فعاليته, تماسكه مثل [إيمبرتيليتي] ه في التمرين عمليّ من امتيازاته. ينتظر العالم [بتينتلي] وبانتباه الأعمال من هذا اثنان مؤسسات [س ثت] عدل يكون جعلت في كونغو, الحرب مجرمات [بوسك] [نتغندا], [لورنت] [نكوندبتور] وأخرى توقّفت و [ترنفرّس] في [ث هغ] بغيضة أن يجيب أعمالهم.
هو يتحتّم للمحكمة أولى دائمة دوليّة أن يحافظ [إيمبرتيليتي] مؤكّدة معصومة أن يمنع أو قلّلت على الأقلّ الخطر أن تركبنفسي أخذت مع المصيدة ب ال نفسه مؤلفات الانتهاكات من الحقوق الإنسان بما أنّ هو كان خلقت ل يمسك مسؤولة. لماذا [بوسك] [نتغندا], الشهيرة حرب مجرمة وجريمة ضدّ إنسانية أثر [أوجووردهوي] حرّة بينما [هيس/هر] ثلاثة متعاونات, [مثييو] [نغدجولو] [شي], [جرمين] [كتنغ] وتوماس [لوبنغ] يكون [أوجووردهوي] خلف القضبان? ليس دولته الحرية, هو إشارة من افتقار من جدّيّة في التقوية من القرارات من المحكمة جزائيّة [إينترنتينل] والافتقار التعهد من الأمن مجلس من الالأمم المتّحدة أن يأخذ عناية على القرارات من مؤسسة غالية أيّ هو أقسم خلقه وأقسم أن يسهم إلى التحقيق من مهمته. سخرية عندما يغرق هذا دول, الأمن مجلس منظّمة أمم متّحدة, يقول أنّ التعهد يدخل داخل في روما أن يضع عبارة [ل'] حصانة ليس صالح للتداول!
[مكوبا] [ت.]. [سكومبو] المديرة من الجماعة أعمال من التعبئة لعدل وسلام في [رد] كونغو ([مجبك]), تنظيم أيّ بقوّة يشجب القرار الرئيس [كبيلا] أن يتحدّى الأمر لإعتقال من محكمة جزائيّة دوليّة ضدّ الحرب إجراميّة ومجرمة ضدّ إنسانية. يتلقّى ال [مبجك] عريضة على خطّ يدعو مع الإعتقال فوري [نتغندا] أيّ يستطيع كنت وقعت مع
http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/24459.html
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إلى ال 1 408.806 3644 أو بريد إلكترونيّ
[مسكومبومجبكنغ.ورغ]
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AFPDR Congo speaker quits for Rwanda commentsAFP - 12 hours ago KINSHASA (AFP) — The speaker of the Democratic Republic of Congo's parliament, Vital Kamerhe, resigned under pressure Wednesday for criticising Rwandan ... UN envoy hails new pact with rebels in DR Congo Xinhua Hutu rebel attacks displace 30000 in DR Congo: UN MONUC RD Congo Congolese speaker resigns afrol News AFP - AFPall 51 news articles » Daily NationAngola stealing DR Congo oil, says ministerDaily Nation - 11 hours ago African oil giant Angola is illegally pumping out hundreds of thousands of barrels of crude oil every day from neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo’s ... China provides humanitarian aid to DR CongoXinhua - Mar 24, 2009 KINSHASA, March 24 (Xinhua) -- Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Zhai Jun arrived in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) for a two-day visit during ... AFPUganda military completes DR Congo withdrawalXinhua - Mar 23, 2009 KAMPALA, March 23 (Xinhua) -- Ugandan military has completed its withdrawal from northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) where it has been hunting ... Congolese politics forced end of cooperation on LRA AFP Uganda: Army's withdrawal from LRA war sparks panic Afrika Uganda Government News: LRA no longer a threat- UPDF UGPulse.com all 26 news articles »President of the Democratic Republic of Congo Meets with Chinese ...MFA China (press release) - 3 hours ago On March 24, 2009, President of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) Joseph Kabila met with Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Zhai Jun in Kinshasa. ... Kamerhe's resignation makes room for Sarkozy's speech France24 all 2 news articles » Congo PlanetUgandan Troops Begin Leaving DR CongoVoice of America - Mar 16, 2009 By VOA News Uganda has begun withdrawing its soldiers from the Democratic Republic of Congo, after a three-month hunt for members of the rebel Lord's ... DR Congo confirms pullout of Ugandan troops after joint anti-LRA ... Xinhua UPDF ends DR Congo operation Daily Monitor Ugandan troops pull out from DR Congo AFP Independent Online - Xinhuaall 204 news articles »DR Congo expects end to Obasanjo-Mpaka mediation after rebel ...Xinhua - Mar 18, 2009 KINSHASA, March 18 (Xinhua) -- The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) expects the conclusion of mediation by UN special envoy ... BBC AfriqueCongolese flee new Hutu attacksBBC News - Mar 20, 2009 The armies of Rwanda and DR Congo launched a joint operation against the FDLR in January, before Rwandan troops returned home a month later. ... DR Congo: militias must go, but security forces need discipline ... UN News Centre DRC citizens to obtain biometric passport in April Le Mali en ligne DR Congo: Villages abandoned as militia rampage in the east ReliefWeb (press release) MONUC.org (press release) - AllAfrica.comall 32 news articles » Javno.hrSarkozy to visit DR CongoXinhua - Mar 19, 2009 KINSHASA, March 19 (Xinhua) -- French President Nicolas Sarkozy will pay an official visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo next week, according to the ... DR Congo majority boycotts opening of parliament AFP DR Congo conflicts threaten people’s already-shaky living ... UN News Centre UN moves to block return of Rwandan rebels in Congo www.worldbulletin.net Xinhuaall 44 news articles »Atlantan researches Ebola outbreaksAtlanta Journal Constitution - 13 hours ago Once again, Farnon’s unit is keeping track of another Ebola outbreak, reported recently in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It’s the same place she was in ...
DR Congo government, CNDP rebels 'sign peace deal'AFP - 11 hours ago GOMA, DR Congo (AFP) — The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Tutsi rebels in the east of the country signed a peace deal Monday under which ... China provides humanitarian aid to DR CongoXinhua - 28 minutes ago KINSHASA, March 24 (Xinhua) -- Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Zhai Jun arrived in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) for a two-day visit during ... Uganda military completes DR Congo withdrawalXinhua - 18 hours ago KAMPALA, March 23 (Xinhua) -- Ugandan military has completed its withdrawal from northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) where it has been hunting ... Uganda: Army's withdrawal from LRA war sparks panic Afrika all 8 news articles » BBC AfriqueHutu rebel attacks displace 30000 in DR Congo: UNAFP - Mar 20, 2009 GENEVA (AFP) — Renewed attacks by Rwandan Hutu rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo's Nord-Kivu province have left nearly 30000 people displaced ... Congolese flee new Hutu attacks BBC News DRC citizens to obtain biometric passport in April Le Mali en ligne DR Congo: Villages abandoned as militia rampage in the east ReliefWeb (press release) MONUC.org (press release) - Scoop.co.nz (press release)all 32 news articles » Congo PlanetUgandan Troops Begin Leaving DR CongoVoice of America - Mar 16, 2009 By VOA News Uganda has begun withdrawing its soldiers from the Democratic Republic of Congo, after a three-month hunt for members of the rebel Lord's ... DR Congo confirms pullout of Ugandan troops after joint anti-LRA ... Xinhua UPDF ends DR Congo operation Daily Monitor Uganda withdrawing from DR Congo Independent Online UGPulse.com - AngolaPressall 204 news articles »Belgian defence minister to visit DR Congo
EU, rights groups call for Congo warlord's arrest By: Reuters Published: 30 Jan 09 A Congolese rebel leader who is wanted for war crimes but is helping lead a United Nations-backed military campaign should be arrested, a top European diplomat and rights campaigners said on Friday.General Bosco Ntaganda is accused by prosecutors at the International Criminal Court of crimes including recruiting children to fight an ethnic conflict in Democratic Republic of Congo's eastern district of Ituri.Ntaganda, known as "The Terminator", is now deputy commander of a joint military offensive by Congo and Rwanda aimed at rooting out Rwandan Hutu rebels, who are blamed for more than a decade of conflict in Africa's Great Lakes region."Given that he is indicted by the ICC, the European Union's position is that he should be brought to The Hague as soon as possible," Roland Van Der Geer, EU special envoy for the Great Lakes region, told journalists in the eastern city of Goma."That would hardly be compatible for his new role."After the conflict in Ituri, Ntaganda led a Tutsi rebel group in North Kivu province. Now, the rebels and the army have agreed to join forces and attack the Hutu rebels.Diplomats from the EU, Britain and France walked out of a ceremony attended by Ntaganda on Thursday to mark the start of the process meant to integrate over 6,000 of his fighters."We had informed the authorities that we could not remain there if Bosco came," Jean-Michel Dumont, the EU's special representative in Goma, told Reuters.A Congolese military spokesman confirmed Ntaganda had been named deputy commander for the operations, which get logistical support from Congo's U.N. peacekeeping mission, MONUC.LACK OF ACTIONIn an abrupt turnaround in diplomatic relations between the two Great Lakes neighbours, former foes during a 1998-2003 war, Rwanda sent more than 3,500 soldiers across the border last week at the invitation of the Congolese government.The pact to root out the Hutu rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) has been touted by both as an effort to end a lingering conflict and humanitarian disaster that has killed an estimated 5.4 million people since 1998.Congo signed the Rome Statute creating the ICC, which obliges it to execute arrest warrants issued by the court. But Congo says government's first priority was to pacify its eastern borderlands."For us, there is no great difference between today and tomorrow. It's a question of time. We know that the problem exists," said Information Minister Lambert Mende.New York-based rights group Human Rights Watch has criticised a lack of action by the international community to pressure Congo to arrest Ntaganda, who has appeared in public with government ministers and army commanders in recent weeks."MONUC has a mandate to promote justice. This is simply not something the United Nations should be part of," Anneke Van Woudenberg, a senior researcher with HRW, said of MONUC's role of giving logistical support.The ICC's first ever trial against another Congolese warlord, Thomas Lubanga, began on Monday. Copyright© Creamer Media (Pty) Ltd. All rights reserved. Tel: +27(0)11 622 3744 Fax +27(0)11 622 9350 newsdesk@polity.org.zahttp://www.polity.org.za
Letter to all EU Foreign MinistersUrge Congolese Government to Enforce ICC Arrest Warrant on War Crimes Charges February 2, 2009 Downloadable Resources: Letter to all EU Foreign MinistersRelated Materials: DR Congo: Arrest Bosco Ntaganda Letter to President Kabila: Arrest Bosco NtagandaKillings in KiwanjaBrussels, February 2, 2009 Dear Foreign Minister, We are writing to express Human Rights Watch's deep disappointment that the European Union (EU) has not publicly called on the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to arrest Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the war crime of enlisting and conscripting children under age of 15 as soldiers and of using them in hostilities between 2002-2003 in the Ituri district of eastern Congo. As a party to the Rome Statute that established the ICC, the Congolese government has a legal obligation to assist the court in arresting persons for whom arrest warrants have been issued, such as Ntaganda. In May 2007, Congo recognized that responsibility by asking the United Nations Mission in Congo (MONUC) for assistance in arresting Ntaganda, a request that took great courage and which we applauded at the time. As you know, in early January 2009, Ntaganda claimed he was taking over leadership of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) from its former head Laurent Nkunda, and on January 16 he declared that instead of waging war on the Congolese national army, he would join its troops in fighting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Rwandan armed group some of whose leaders participated in the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Despite having an international legal obligation to arrest Ntaganda, the Congolese authorities to date have made no attempt to do so. On January 16, Ntaganda was in Goma for a joint press conference alongside the Congolese Minister of the Interior and Security, Célestin Mbuyu Kabangu, the Inspector General of the Police, General John Numbi, Rwanda's Chief of Defence Staff, General James Kabarebe, and other senior Congolese military officers. Indeed, the Congolese government has given Ntaganda a senior position in the integration process of CNDP troops into the Congolese army and is considering appointing him to a top position in the joint Rwandan-Congolese military operations in eastern Congo. The silence thus far of the European Union on the open Congolese collaboration with Ntaganda contrasts glaringly with the declaration on January 28 by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union following the start of the ICC's trial of Ntaganda's co-defendant, Thomas Lubanga. In the EU's declaration, the presidency underscored its commitment to work towards the prevention of crimes of international concern and the ending of impunity for the perpetrators of such crimes. The EU also encouraged the Congolese authorities to continue their "good cooperation" with the International Criminal Court. We strongly urge the EU - and its 27 member states - to make clear to the Congolese authorities that "good cooperation" with the ICC also includes the arrest and surrender of Ntaganda to the ICC to face justice. The frequency with which Ntaganda has been accused of terrible abuses against Congolese civilians underlines the importance of his arrest. In addition to the war crimes that form the basis for the ICC arrest warrant against him, charges against Ntaganda include the following: On November 4 and 5, 2008, CNDP troops under Ntaganda's command killed an estimated 150 people in the town of Kiwanja, one of the worst massacres in North Kivu in the past two years. As chief of military operations of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), Ntaganda was in command of combatants who arrested, tortured or killed hundreds of civilians of Lendu and Ngiti ethnicity between August 2002 and March 2003. In November 2002 Ntaganda led troops who slaughtered at least 800 civilians on ethnic grounds at Mongbwalu, including the first priest killed in the Ituri conflict, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga. In November 2005 Ntaganda was placed on a UN sanctions list for having violated the arms embargo. He remains on the list. According to UN peacekeepers, troops under Ntaganda's command were responsible for killing a Kenyan UN peacekeeper in January 2004 and for kidnapping a Moroccan peacekeeper later that year. That forces under Ntaganda's command continue to commit serious crimes, such as the recent killings in Kiwanja, North Kivu, underscores why the European Union must make it clear to Congolese authorities that Ntaganda's arrest is both urgent and essential. Efforts by the Congolese authorities to legitimize Ntaganda as a "partner for peace" reinforces the perception that those who commit heinous crimes against civilians in Congo will be rewarded rather than punished. Such practices feed the vicious culture of impunity that has ravaged Congo to date. The EU has publicly stated its commitment to work towards ending impunity for the perpetrators of crimes of international concern. Consistent with that commitment, Human Rights Watch urges the EU to use all possible means to influence the Congolese authorities to ensure Ntaganda's arrest. The countless victims in Congo deserve nothing less. Yours sincerely, Lotte Leicht Georgette GagnonEU Director Africa DirectorHuman Rights Watch Human Rights Watch CC. PSC Ambassador Political Director
Lettre aux Ministres des Affaires étrangères de l’Union européenneIl faut pousser le gouvernement congolais à exécuter le mandat d’arrêt de la CPI pour crimes de guerre February 2, 2009 Downloadable Resources: Lettre aux Ministres des Affaires étrangères de l’Union européenneRelated Materials: RD Congo : Il faut arrêter Bosco NtagandaLettre au Président Kabila: Il faut arrêter Bosco NtagandaMassacres à KiwanjaBruxelles, le 2 février 2009 Monsieur le Ministre, Madame la Ministre Nous vous écrivons pour vous faire part de la profonde déception de Human Rights Watch du fait que l'Union européenne (UE) n'a pas publiquement appelé les autorités congolaises à arrêter Bosco Ntaganda, recherché par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) pour crime de guerre, pour avoir enrôlé et recruté des enfants de moins de 15 ans comme soldats et les avoir utilisés dans les hostilités en 2002-2003 dans le district d'Ituri de l'est du Congo. En tant qu'Etat partie au Statut de Rome qui a établi la CPI, le Congo a l'obligation d'aider la cour à arrêter les personnes faisant l'objet d'un mandat d'arrestation, comme M. Ntaganda. En mai 2007, le Congo a reconnu cette responsabilité en sollicitant l'assistance de la Mission des Nations unies au Congo (MONUC) pour arrêter M. Ntaganda, demande qui a exigé beaucoup de courage et que nous avons alors applaudie. Comme vous le savez, début janvier 2009, Ntaganda a affirmé qu'il s'emparait de la direction du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) en remplacement de Laurent Nkunda. Le 16 janvier, il a déclaré qu'au lieu de faire la guerre à l'armée nationale congolaise, il joindrait ses forces au combat contre les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), un groupe armé rwandais dont certains leaders ont participé au génocide au Rwanda en 1994. Malgré son obligation internationale d'arrêter M. Ntaganda, les autorités congolaises n'ont fait jusqu'ici aucune tentative à cet égard. Le 16 janvier, M. Ntaganda se trouvait à Goma pour une conférence de presse commune aux côtés du ministre congolais de l'Intérieur et de la Sécurité, M. Célestin Mbuyu Kabangu, de l'Inspecteur général de la police, le Général John Numbi, du Chef d'état-major, le Général James Kabarebe, et d'autres hauts gradés de l'armée congolaise. Le gouvernement congolais a accorde à M. Ntaganda un rôle crucial dans le processus d'intégration des troupes du CNDP dans les forces armées congolaises et envisage de nommer M. Ntaganda à une haute fonction relative aux opérations militaires dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo. Le silence de l'Union européenne jusqu'ici sur la collaboration ouverte du gouvernement congolais avec M. Ntaganda contraste étonnamment avec la déclaration faite cette semaine par la présidence au nom de l'Union européenne, après l'ouverture du procès à la CPI du co-accusé de M. Ntaganda, Thomas Lubanga (déclaration de l'UE du 28 janvier 09). Dans la déclaration de l'UE, la présidence a souligné son engagement à œuvrer pour la prévention des crimes de portée internationale et pour mettre fin à l'impunité pour les auteurs de ces crimes. L'UE a aussi encouragé les autorités congolaises à continuer leur « bonne coopération » avec la Cour pénale internationale. Nous incitons fortement l'UE - et ses 27 Etats membres - à expliquer clairement aux autorités congolaises que la « bonne coopération » avec la CPI comprend aussi l'arrestation de Bosco Ntaganda et sa remise à la CPI pour qu'il affronte la justice. La fréquence des exactions terribles qu'aurait commis Ntaganda contre les civils au Congo souligne l'importance que revêt son arrestation. En plus des crimes de guerre qui constituent le fondement du mandat d'arrêt de la CPI à son encontre, les chefs d'accusation contre M. Ntaganda sont les suivants : Les 4 et 5 novembre 2008, les troupes du CNDP sous le commandement de M. Ntaganda ont tué environ 150 personnes dans la ville de Kiwanja, l'un des pires massacres au Nord Kivu des deux dernières années. En tant que chef des opérations militaires des Forces patriotiques pour la libération du Congo (FPLC), M. Ntaganda commandait les forces qui ont arrêté, torturé ou tué des centaines de civils appartenant aux ethnies Lendu et Ngiti, entre août 2002 et mars 2003. En novembre 2002, M. Ntaganda commandait les troupes qui ont massacré au moins 800 civils pour des motifs ethniques à Mongbwalu. En novembre 2005, M. Ntaganda a été placé sur une liste de sanctions de l'ONU pour avoir violé l'embargo sur les armes. Selon les soldats de maintien de la paix de l'ONU, les soldats placés sous le commandement de M. Ntaganda se sont rendus coupables du meurtre d'un soldat kényan de maintien de la paix en janvier 2004 et de l'enlèvement d'un soldat marocain de maintien de la paix plus tard la même année. Ces forces se trouvant sous le commandement de M. Ntaganda continuent à commettre des crimes graves et démontrent les raisons pour lesquelles l'Union européenne devrait expliquer clairement aux autorités congolaises que l'arrestation de M. Ntaganda est à la fois urgente et essentielle. Les efforts des autorités congolaises pour légitimer M. Ntaganda comme un « partenaire pour la paix » renforcent l'impression dominante que ceux qui commettent des crimes haineux contre les civils au Congo seront récompensés au lieu d'être punis. Au lieu d'encourager le respect pour l'Etat de droit, de telles pratiques nourrissent la culture cruelle de l'impunité qui ravage le Congo depuis longtemps. L'UE a publiquement déclaré son engagement pour œuvrer en vue de mettre fin à l'impunité pour les auteurs de crimes de portée internationale. Conformément à cet engagement, Human Rights Watch presse l'UE d'utiliser tous les moyens possibles pour influencer les autorités congolaises afin qu'elles garantissent l'arrestation de M. Ntaganda et sa remise à la CPI. Les innombrables victimes au Congo méritent au moins cela. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Ministre, l'expression de mes sentiments distingués. Lotte Leicht Georgette Gagnon Directrice Directrice Bureau auprès de l'Union européenne Division de l'Afrique Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch Cc : Ambassadeurs auprès du COPS Directeur politique
Lettre au Président Kabila: Il faut arrêter Bosco NtagandaFebruary 2, 2009 Downloadable Resources: Lettre au Président Kabila: Il faut arrêter Bosco Ntaganda (PDF)Related Materials: RD Congo : Il faut arrêter Bosco NtagandaLettre aux Ministres des Affaires étrangères de l’Union européenneMassacres à KiwanjaSon Excellence le Président Joseph Kabila KabangeGombe, KinshasaRépublique démocratique du Congo New York, le 1 février 2009 Votre Excellence, Human Rights Watch a l'honneur de s'adresser à vous pour exprimer sa profonde préoccupation quant au fait que votre gouvernement envisage de nommer Bosco Ntaganda à une haute fonction relative aux opérations militaires dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Ntaganda, anciennement chef d'état major militaire pour le Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), joue actuellement un rôle crucial dans le processus d'intégration des troupes du CNDP dans les FARDC. Il avait reçu le grade de général dans les forces armées congolaises en janvier 2005, bien qu'il n'ait pas assumé ces fonctions à ce moment là. Comme vous le savez, Ntaganda est recherché par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) pour crime de guerre, pour avoir enrôlé et recruté des enfants de moins de 15 ans comme soldats et les avoir utilisés dans le cadre des hostilités en 2002-2003, dans le district d'Ituri de l'est du Congo. En tant qu'Etat partie au Statut de Rome qui a établi la CPI, le Congo a l'obligation d'aider la cour à arrêter les personnes faisant l'objet d'un mandat d'arrestation. En mai 2007, le Congo a reconnu cette responsabilité en sollicitant l'assistance de la Mission des Nations unies au Congo (MONUC) pour arrêter Ntaganda, demande qui a exigé beaucoup de courage et que nous avons alors applaudie. Malgré son obligation internationale d'arrêter Ntaganda, votre gouvernement n'a fait jusqu'ici aucune tentative à cet égard. Le 16 janvier, Ntaganda se trouvait à Goma pour une conférence de presse commune aux côtés du ministre congolais de l'Intérieur et de la Sécurité, Célestin Mbuyu Kabangu, de l'Inspecteur général de la police, le Général John Numbi, du Chef d'état-major de la Défense du Rwanda, le Général James Kabarebe, et d'autres hauts gradés de l'armée congolaise. Le 29 janvier, le ministre de la Défense, Charles Mwando Simba, et d'autres hauts représentants du gouvernement, se trouvaient à une cérémonie à Rumangabo aux côtés de Ntaganda. Les efforts des autorités congolaises pour légitimer Ntaganda comme un «partenaire pour la paix» renforcent l'impression dominante que ceux qui commettent des crimes abjects contre les civils au Congo seront récompensés au lieu d'être punis. Au lieu d'encourager le respect pour l'Etat de droit, de telles pratiques nourrissent la culture cruelle de l'impunité qui ravage le Congo depuis longtemps. Lors d'une conférence de presse le 31 janvier à Kinshasa, vous avez déclaré que le choix était difficile entre la justice et la paix, la stabilité et la sécurité dans l'est du Congo, et que votre choix était de privilégier la paix. Nous voulons aussi voir la paix régner dans l'est du Congo ainsi que la fin des atteintes terribles aux droits humains qu'y subissent les gens depuis trop longtemps. Mais une paix durable est rarement possible sans la justice. La paix et la justice devraient être considérées comme complémentaires, et non comme contradictoires. Favoriser le respect de l'Etat de droit est la seule solution pour garantir la protection des citoyens congolais qui supportent le fardeau des violations des droits humains. La fréquence des exactions terribles qu'aurait commises Ntaganda contre les civils au Congo souligne l'importance de son arrestation. Au-delà des crimes de guerre qui constituent le fondement du mandat d'arrêt de la CPI à son encontre, les chefs d'accusation contre Ntaganda sont les suivants : Les 4 et 5 novembre 2008, les troupes du CNDP sous le commandement de Ntaganda ont tué environ 150 personnes dans la ville de Kiwanja, l'un des pires massacres au Nord Kivu des deux dernières années. En tant que chef des opérations militaires de l'Union des patriotes congolais (UPC), Ntaganda commandait les forces qui ont arrêté, torturé ou tué des centaines de civils appartenant aux ethnies Lendu et Ngiti, entre août 2002 et mars 2003. En novembre 2002, Ntaganda commandait les troupes qui ont massacré au moins 800 civils pour des motifs ethniques à Mongbwalu, notamment le premier prêtre tué dans le conflit de l'Ituri, l'Abbé Boniface Bwanalonga. En novembre 2005, Ntaganda a été placé sur une liste de sanctions de l'ONU pour avoir violé l'embargo sur les armes. Il figure toujours sur cette liste. Selon les soldats de maintien de la paix de l'ONU, les soldats placés sous le commandement de Ntaganda se sont rendus coupables du meurtre d'un soldat kényan de maintien de la paix en janvier 2004 et de l'enlèvement d'un soldat marocain de maintien de la paix plus tard la même année. Le fait que les forces se trouvant sous le commandement de Ntaganda continuent à commettre des crimes graves, comme l'a démontré le récent massacre à Kiwanja, souligne l'urgente nécessité de l'arrestation de M. Ntaganda par les autorités congolaises. Monsieur le Président, vous avez été un solide partisan de la fin de la culture de l'impunité au Congo. Votre gouvernement a été au premier rang de la coopération avec la CPI avec le transfert de trois ressortissants congolais à la Haye, pour y être jugés pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité. Vous avez réitéré votre engagement à établir l'Etat de droit dans de nombreux discours, tels ceux adressés au parlement congolais et à l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies. Pour que ces engagements soient réalisés, nous vous exhortons à donner des instructions à vos autorités judiciaires pour que M. Ntaganda soit arrêté et transféré à la juridiction de la CPI. Nous pensons aussi que Laurent Nkunda devrait être tenu pour responsable des crimes que les troupes sous son commandement ont commis à Kisangani en mai 2002, à Bukavu en juin 2004 et dans le Nord Kivu entre 2006 et 2008. Nous notons que votre gouvernement demande son extradition au Congo pour y être jugé. Nous vous exhortons à mettre en place un mécanisme judiciaire spécial au sein du système judiciaire congolais pour mener des enquêtes et exiger des comptes aux individus, tels que Nkunda, qui ont commis de graves violations du droit international humanitaire. Ce mécanisme devrait être conforme aux normes internationales de procès équitable et exiger des comptes non seulement à Nkunda, mais aussi aux individus d'autres groupes armés et de l'armée congolaise qui ont perpétré des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité. Votre gouvernement s'est opposé fermement à l'amnistie pour les crimes graves. Une paix durable dans l'est du Congo exige la traduction en justice des personnes qui ont commis des atrocités contre le peuple congolais. Nous espérons que vous agirez afin que Ntaganda soit arrêté et transféré à La Haye, et pour mettre en place un mécanisme judiciaire qui puisse rendre la justice pour les victimes et mettre fin à la culture d'impunité. Veuillez agréer, Votre Excellence, l'expression de notre haute considération. Kenneth Roth Directeur Exécutif Cc : Son Excellence, Adolphe Muzito, Premier Ministre Son Excellence, Charles Mwando Simba, Ministre de la défense Son Excellence, Luzolo Bambi Lessa, Ministre de la Justice Son Excellence, Upio Kakura, Ministre des Droits Humains Hon. Vital Kamerhe, Président de l'Assemblée Nationale Hon. Kengo Wa Dondo, Président du Sénat Général John Numbi, Inspecteur général de la police Also available in: English
Letter to President Kabila: Arrest Bosco NtagandaFebruary 1, 2009 Downloadable Resources: Letter to President Kabila: Arrest Bosco Ntaganda (PDF)Related Materials: DR Congo: Arrest Bosco Ntaganda H.E. President Joseph Kabila KabangeGombe, KinshasaDemocratic Republic of Congo New York, February 1, 2009 Your Excellency, Human Rights Watch writes to express its deep concern that your government is considering appointing Bosco Ntaganda to a senior position in the military operations in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), rather than arresting him. Ntaganda, formerly military chief of staff for the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), is currently playing a key role in the integration process of CNDP troops into the FARDC. He was granted the rank of general in the Congolese armed forces in January 2005, though he did not take up the position at the time. You certainly know that Ntaganda is being sought by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the war crime of enlisting and conscripting children under the age of 15 as soldiers and of using them in hostilities between 2002 and 2003 in the Ituri district of eastern Congo. As a party to the Rome Statute that established the ICC, Congo has an obligation to assist the court in arresting persons for whom arrest warrants have been issued. In May 2007, Congo recognized that responsibility by asking the United Nations Mission in Congo (MONUC) for assistance in arresting Ntaganda, a request that took great courage and which we applauded at the time. Despite having an international obligation to arrest Ntaganda, your government has to date made no attempt to do so. On January 16, Ntaganda was in Goma for a joint press conference alongside the Congolese Minister of the Interior and Security, Célestin Mbuyu Kabangu, the Inspector General of the Police, General John Numbi, Rwanda's Chief of Defence Staff, General James Kabarebe, and other senior Congolese military officers. On January 29, the Minister of Defense, Charles Mwando Simba, and other senior officials were at a ceremony in Rumangabo alongside Ntaganda. Efforts by Congolese authorities to legitimize Ntaganda as a "partner for peace" reinforces the perception that those who commit heinous crimes against civilians in Congo will be rewarded rather punished. Rather than promote respect for the rule of law, such practices feed the vicious culture of impunity that has ravaged Congo to date. In your press conference on January 31 in Kinshasa, you said that there was a difficult choice between justice and peace, stability and security in eastern Congo, and that your choice was to prioritize peace. We too want to see peace in eastern Congo and an end to the horrific human rights abuses that the people there have suffered for too long. But sustainable peace rarely comes without justice. Peace and justice should be seen as complementary, not contradictory. Fostering respect for the rule of law is the only solution for ensuring protection for Congolese citizens who suffer the brunt of the human rights violations. The frequency with which Ntaganda has been accused of terrible abuses against Congolese civilians underlines the importance of his arrest. In addition to the war crimes that form the basis for the ICC arrest warrant against him, charges against Ntaganda include the following: On November 4 and 5, 2008, CNDP troops under Ntaganda's command killed an estimated 150 people in the town of Kiwanja, one of the worst massacres in North Kivu in the past two years. As chief of military operations of the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), Ntaganda was in command of combatants who arrested, tortured or killed hundreds of civilians of Lendu and Ngiti ethnicity between August 2002 and March 2003. In November 2002 Ntaganda led troops who slaughtered at least 800 civilians on ethnic grounds at Mongbwalu, including the first priest killed in the Ituri conflict, Abbe Boniface Bwanalonga. In November 2005 Ntaganda was placed on a UN sanctions list for having violated the arms embargo. He remains on the list. According to UN peacekeepers, troops under Ntaganda's command were responsible for killing a Kenyan UN peacekeeper in January 2004 and for kidnapping a Moroccan peacekeeper later that year. That forces under Ntaganda's command continue to commit serious crimes, as demonstrated by the recent massacre in Kiwanja, underscores why it is urgent and essential that Congolese authorities arrest Ntaganda. Mr. President, you have been a strong advocate for ending the culture of impunity in Congo. Your government has been at the forefront of cooperation with the ICC with the transfer of three Congolese individuals to The Hague to stand trial for charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. You have repeated your commitment to establishing the rule of law in numerous speeches such as those to the Congolese parliament and to the United Nations General Assembly. For these commitments to be realized, we urge you to instruct your judicial authorities to arrest Ntaganda and to transfer him to the jurisdiction of the ICC. We also believe that Laurent Nkunda should be held responsible for crimes troops under his command committed in Kisangani in May 2002, in Bukavu in June 2004 and in North Kivu between 2006 and 2008. We note that your government is calling for his extradition to Congo to stand trial. We urge you to establish a special judicial mechanism within the Congolese justice system to investigate and hold to account individuals, such as Nkunda, who committed serious violations of international humanitarian law. Such a mechanism should meet international fair trial standards and hold to account not just Nkunda but also individuals from other armed groups and the Congolese army who have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity. Your government has been strong on denying amnesty for serious crimes. Lasting peace in eastern Congo requires justice for those who have committed atrocities against Congolese people. We hope you will act to arrest Ntaganda and surrender him to The Hague, and to put in place a judicial mechanism that can realize justice for the victims and an end to the culture of impunity. Yours sincerely, Kenneth Roth Executive Director Cc: His Excellency, Adolphe Muzito, Prime Minister His Excellency, Charles Mwando Simba, Minister of Defence His Excellency, Luzolo Bambi Lesa, Minister of Justice His Excellency, Upio Kakura, Minister of Human Rights Hon. Vital Kamerhe, President of the National Assembly Hon. Leon Kengo Wa Dondo, President of the Senate General John Numbi, Inspector General of the Police Also available in: Français
UN mission urges Rwandan Hutu combatants in DR Congo to disarmXinhua, China - 11 hours ago2 (Xinhua) -- The UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has reiterated its appeal for ethnic Rwandan Hutu combatants fighting in ... Fear grows in Congo: There will be blood Seattle Times In Congo, Fresh Anxieties Washington Post Waiting for Collateral Damage in Congo UN Dispatch Bloomberg - AFPall 165 news articles »WHO: Ebola virus outbreak in Congo stabilizedThe Associated Press - 21 hours agoKINSHASA, Congo (AP) — An Ebola virus outbreak in a remote province of Congo that left 15 people dead has stabilized with no new reported cases in the last ... DRC: Ebola outbreak in Kasai Occidental stabilised - WHO IRINnews.org all 54 news articles »AFPRights group urges Congo to hand Ntaganda to ICCAFP - 18 hours agoKINSHASA (AFP) — A New York-based rights defender on Monday urged the Democratic Republic of Congo to arrest ex-rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda and hand him ... DR Congo: Arrest Bosco Ntaganda Human Rights Watch (Communiqué de presse) DR Congo: Letter to President Kabila - Arrest Bosco Ntaganda ReliefWeb (press release) Justice bows to politics Mail & Guardian Online all 8 news articles »AFPBelgium, DR Congo agree to reopen consulatesAFP - 21 hours agoBRUSSELS (AFP) — The Democratic Republic of Congo and Belgium have agreed in principle on reopening Belgian consulates in the country, the latest step in ... CONGO: Remote communities targeted for vaccinationIRINnews.org, NY - 13 minutes agoThe region of Likouala lies on the border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) - hence the need for vaccination to protect against the ... DR Congo kicks off arms recovery operation in restive IturiXinhua, China - Feb 1, 20092 (Xinhua) -- The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) on Sunday kicked off a month-long operation to recover arms at large from civilian population in ... UN peacekeepers up against a tall order in CongoBoston Globe, United States - 13 hours agoTHE CURRENT crisis in the eastern Congo is our highest priority, and the protection of civilians there is our peacekeepers' most important task. ... Retired Ugandan cardinal approves action to root out Kony in CongoCatholic News Service, DC - 19 hours agoIn mid-December, forces from Uganda, Congo and Sudan began aerial attacks on Kony's base and rebel hideouts in Congo's Garamba jungle. ... V-Day visits vaticinatedWashburn Review, KS - 17 hours agoProfits will be split between the YWCA Battered Women Task Force, which will receive 90 percent, and the V-Day Women of the Congo, which will receive 10 ... Victory, valentine and vagina Vermont Cynic (subscription) Vagina Monologues Performances to Benefit Rape-Crisis Center Southern Maryland Online Women's and Gender Studies Program Presents 'Vagina Monologues ... University of Nebraska at Kearney (press release) Georgetown University The Hoya - Wrexham Chronicleall 10 news articles »Uganda Army Rescues 119 Civilians Abducted by LRABloomberg - 23 hours agoThey also killed more than 600 civilians in the Congo from Dec. 24 to Jan. 11, New York-based Human Rights Watch said on Jan. 16. The LRA’s leader, ... Uganda Government News: UPDF has 3 days to leave DRC UGPulse.com DRC, Uganda negotiate over extension of joint anti-rebel operations African Press Agency Kikwete upbeat on DRC peace DailyNewsOnline Earthtimes (press release) - New Visionall 16 news articles »
Congo-Kinshasa: Country's Dangerous Crossroads 30 January 2009 document Last week’s arrest of Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda and the deployment of an estimated 4,000 Rwandan soldiers into eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, as part of joint Rwandan-Congolese military operations against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or FDLR, represent a major, and dangerous, crossroads. One on hand, this unusual collaboration between Congo and Rwanda could be a catalyst for fundamentally changing the dynamic of the war and ending the deadliest conflict since World War II. On the other hand, it is obvious to all involved that Congolese citizens face grave new dangers ahead. The details of the operation already underway in eastern Congo’s densely forested terrain are murky, but if previous attempts to dislodge the 6,500 strong FDLR are any indication, Congolese civilians are likely to bear the overwhelming brunt of the violence. The international community must take the following urgent actions: GA_googleFillSlot( "AllAfrica_Other_Inset" ); protect civilians in FDLR areas by immediately enhancing the capacity of the U.N. peacekeeping force, known as MONUC, and by pressuring Congo and Rwanda to minimize collateral damage; increase the desertion rate of rank-and-file FDLR through more effective and transparent disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, resettlement, and repatriation, or DDRRR, programs; demand international military observation of the operations and a more clearly defined role for MONUC; and, halt the impunity that fuels rampant atrocities by securing the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda and supporting the swift expansion of the ICC’s investigations into the North and South Kivu Provinces. If, and only if, those conditions are met, the international community should consider assisting the operations in targeting FDLR commanders by providing intelligence and tactical support. In September and October 2008, Nkunda’s National Congress for the Defense of People, or CNDP, engaged in weeks of intense fighting with the Congolese army and its allied militias, including the FDLR. The fighting had a devastating effect on eastern Congo’s civilian population, exacerbating an already catastrophic humanitarian situation. Nkunda’s forces advanced to the doorstep of the strategic city of Goma in late October, but rather than attack, Nkunda declared a ceasefire and demanded political talks with the Congolese government. Efforts by the United Nations and others to negotiate a political solution stalemated by mid-December. The Enough Project has consistently argued that an effective international strategy to apprehend FDLR leadership and dismantle its various militias is a necessary step to break the political deadlock and nearly 13 years of conflict in eastern Congo. Removing the FDLR would force the Congolese and Rwandan governments—along with scores of armed groups in the region—to seek political solutions to the conflict’s other main drivers—a war economy driven by illegal extraction of minerals, tensions over land-use and citizenship, and the political and economic security of ethnic minorities—and create conditions for local conflict resolution and, eventually, post-conflict reconstruction. However, as Enough has also argued, a poorly planned and executed military operation against the FDLR carries severe consequences for civilians and could propel this crisis in unpredictable and dangerous new directions. The deal struck between Kinshasa and Kigali to arrest Nkunda and collaborate militarily against the FDLR is a seismic shift in regional relations. The broad strokes of what was agreed upon are clear: Congolese officials sought Rwandan help to get rid of Nkunda and end the CNDP rebellion, and in exchange the Rwandan military would be allowed to re-enter eastern Congo to hunt down the FDLR, whose leadership bears responsibility for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. On December 5, following bilateral talks in Goma, North Kivu Province, Congolese Foreign Affairs Minister Alexis Thambwe Mwamba and Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Rosemary Museminali agreed on a plan for joint military operations. However, several aspects of the operation emerging on the ground should alarm policymakers. These include: 1. Collaboration with an indicted war criminal: In a fantastically cynical move, the Congolese and Rwandan governments agreed to replace Nkunda with his Chief of Staff, Bosco Ntaganda. Ntaganda is wanted by the International Criminal Court, or ICC, for war crimes committed in 2002-2003 during the conflict that raged in Ituri province. Human Rights Watch recently documented his direct involvement in CNDP’s massacre of at least 150 civilians in the town of Kiwanja, in North Kivu. His participation in the operation is a clear threat to civilians. As a signatory to the Rome Statue that establishes the ICC, the Congolese government is obligated to arrest Ntaganda, and are thus currently in full violation of international law. His central role in the operation makes it very difficult for the international community to be supportive of much needed action against the FDLR. Using war criminals to pursue war criminals makes little sense – mo matter how expedient it may appear to the operation’s planners in Kigali. 2. Increased vulnerability of civilians: Many FDLR have lived in eastern Congo for nearly 15 years, simultaneously integrating into and terrorizing Congolese communities. Past military operations against the FDLR have proven disastrous for these communities as FDLR fighters have chosen not to stand and fight, but have melted into the forest, and returned later to conduct “reprisal” attacks on civilians. Early reports from the ground confirm that this scenario is playing out again, and political actors in North Kivu have appealed to MONUC to protect civilians during the operation. If the bloody aftermath of recent failed operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army, or LRA, in northeastern Congo is any indication, the international community should be bracing itself for heavy civilian casualties and displacement. 3. Limited international involvement: Although most external actors agree that removing the FDLR is critical to lasting stability in the Great Lakes region and that they could provide intelligence, planning assistance, and technical/logistical support, Congo and Rwanda devised, planned, and began to execute this operation on their own. Though MONUC recently agreed to provide logistical and medical support, it has been kept deliberately in the dark about details and plans for the joint operation. As one MONUC official told Enough, “We aren’t part of anything here. We are just simply in a position of playing ‘catch up’.” The United States, European Union, African Union, and other external actors are in a position to offer support if Rwanda and Congo take practical steps to protect civilians and observe international alw, but none of these actors are playing a visible role or are close enough to the action to help prevent a worst-case scenario from unfolding. 4. Fissures within the Congolese government: Kabila’s decision to allow Rwandan troops to re-enter Congo was made behind closed doors and without the consent of key players in his government. Influential Kabila advisers National Police Inspector John Numbi and Minister of Interior Celestin Mbuyu appear to be the main supporters of the deal. Speaker of the National Assembly Vital Kamerehe, who comes from South Kivu, publicly voiced concern over the presence of Rwandan troops, saying he was not informed about this plan and that there appeared to be no diplomatic or political oversight for the current operations. After having lived through Rwanda’s bloody hunt for genocidaires in eastern Congo in 1996 and its de facto occupation of the Kivus from 1998-2002, Congolese resentment toward Rwandan intervention remains a palpable threat to Kabila’s popular support, especially in the East. 5. Unspoken motivations and simmering tensions: Rwanda’s stated objective for sending troops into Congo is to wipe out the FDLR. However, considering Rwanda’s strong economic interests in eastern Congo and their history of intervention and occupation, the international community should be asking questions about other unspoken reasons for this sudden military incursion. Many analysts are speculating that Rwanda’s swift intervention may also be about securing direct access to mines held by the FDLR and protecting the political and economic interests of the Tutsi community in North and South Kivu. Reportedly, Rwanda became increasingly irritated with Nkunda throughout recent months, particularly with his vocal shift from a political agenda of local empowerment to one of national liberation. With Nkunda now out of the picture and with plans for CNDP fighters to integrate into the Congolese army, the Rwandan government will seek other avenues to protect its interests. The demise of CNDP does not alleviate dangerous communal tensions. Disconcerting rumors have resurfaced regarding a plan to divide North Kivu into two provinces—the districts of Masisi and Rutshuru then becoming a predominantly Kinyarwanda (the language spoken by Congolese and Rwandan Tutsi and Hutu) speaking province. Tutsi are not currently represented in the provincial assembly in North Kivu, and as the date for local elections approach, many local politicians have expressed concern over unfair Rwandan influence—compounded by the numbers of displaced people in the province—and are calling for elections to be postponed. In its present form, the joint military operation is far more likely to lead to atrocities against civilians than to successfully dismantle the FDLR. Immediate action is required to increase the transparency and efficacy of the operation, ensure accountability, and more effectively focus the international community on a shared core objective: the elimination of the FDLR as a security threat to the region. Non-military measures, particularly robust support for defections and voluntary disarmament and repatriation to Rwanda of the FDLR’s rank-and-file forces, are vital. Full recommendations: The Obama administration should immediately appoint a special envoy to lead U.S. engagement in a sustained multilateral effort to achieve stability in the Great Lakes region, paying immediate attention to the threat posed by the FDLR and the LRA. (For Enough’s policy recommendations on the LRA, please see our January 16 statement.) The U.S. envoy should be based in the region, have appropriate staff and logistical support, and work to accomplish the following goals in North Kivu and South Kivu Provinces: 1. Protect civilians from atrocitiesa. While MONUC will now provide logistical and medical support to the joint operations, for the sake of civilian safety the Congolese and Rwandan governments must involve MONUC more directly in military planning to enable U.N. peacekeepers to protect civilians. Despite MONUC’s poor track record on civilian protection, it is the only force on the ground explicitly charged with protecting civilians, and it must be able to fulfill this responsibility.b. The United States and European Union must demand that military observers from U.S. Africa Command, NATO, and/or the EU deploy with Rwandan and Congolese forces on the ground to help temper combatants’ worst tendencies and be allowed to deploy to areas where civilians are most vulnerable.c. If the above conditions are met, and Bosco Ntaganda is handed over to The Hague, U.S. Africa Command, NATO, and/or the EU should offer technical assistance and intelligence/logistical support in apprehending key FDLR leaders. 2. Incentivize defection from armed groupsa. MONUC is reporting an increase in the number of FDLR rank-and-file seeking to come out of the bush, but the numbers remain relatively low. The Rwandan and Congolese governments must work with and through MONUC to offer assurances to non-genocidaire FDLR that they can safely return to Rwanda or re-settle in Congo without fear of prosecution for war crimes.b. The Congolese and Rwandan governments must also enhance livelihoods packages for defectors, and donors should urgently contribute funds to demobilization, reintegration, and repatriation programs. 3. End impunity for crimes against humanitya. Bosco Ntaganda poses a serious threat to civilians and the Congolese government or Rwandan forces should apprehend him immediately. The international community cannot condone his participation under any circumstances and must deny any suspension of the ICC arrest warrant, such as that which was recently requested by the Congolese Minister of Justice. b. The international community must aggressively enforce U.N. authorized sanctions targeted at FDLR leadership. These include asset freezes and travel bans on FDLR leadership living abroad. A small group of Rwandan exiles living in countries such as France, Germany, and the U.S., still exert enormous influence over militias in eastern Congo. Expanded sanctions against individuals with ties to the violence in eastern Congo will isolate military leadership from their political masters and will encourage more FDLR deserters.c. If Laurent Nkunda is extradited from Rwanda to Congo, the international community must demand the Congolese government hold Nkunda accountable for crimes his troops have committed in the Kivus in a trial that meets international judicial standards. However, given the government’s understandable hostility toward Nkunda and Congo’s highly politicized judiciary, a fair trial would most likely only be possible at the International Criminal Court. 4. Address other root causes of conflicta. Dismantling the FDLR is only a first step in securing peace and stability for eastern Congo and the Great Lakes region. The international community should work with U.N. special envoy Olesegun Obasanjo and Great Lakes mediator Benjamin Mkapa to mount an inclusive political process to find lasting solutions to other major drivers of the conflict in eastern Congo: land tenure issues, minority representation and security concerns, the culture of impunity in the region, and the fight for control over Congo’s mineral wealth.b. The United States should lead international efforts to develop a comprehensive approach to the exploitation of Congo’s mineral wealth by armed groups. This must include efforts to reduce international demand for minerals that benefit armed groups, as well as accompanying efforts to strengthen security and governance, and to create legitimate channels for economic activity in eastern Congo. Copyright © 2009 ENOUGH Project. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).
Nkunda Nabbed UN Dispatch23 Jan 2009 by Mark Leon Goldberg Laurent Nkunda, the fearsome Congolese rebel leader whose national ambitions and brutal tactics threatened to destabilize eastern Congo, was arrested Thursday night along the Congolese-Rwandan border, United Nations ... UN Dispatch - http://www.undispatch.com/ - ReferencesRwanda arrests Congo rebel leader Nkunda csmonitor.com23 Jan 2009 Human rights groups accuse Gen. Laurent Nkunda of involvement in several massacres in Democratic Republic of Congo. Christian Science Monitor All Stories - http://www.csmonitor.com/ - References[ More results from Christian Science Monitor All Stories ] Mosquito Blog: Giant Demonstrations to Free Nkunda in Rwandan ...28 Jan 2009 by Mosquito There have been large demonstrations in several Rwandan Congolese refugee camps in support of General Laurent Nkunda, chairman of the CNDP, after Rwandan authorities detained him under some sort of "house arrest", apparently deceitfully ... Mosquito Blog - http://mosquito-blog.blogspot.com/[ More results from Mosquito Blog ] Laurent Nkunda, Congo Rebel Leader, Arrested By Rwanda23 Jan 2009 Laurent Nkunda, Congo Rebel Leader, Arrested By Rwanda - The Huffington Post. World AP Huffington Post Wires - http://www.huffingtonpost.com/huff-wires/ - References[ More results from World AP Huffington Post Wires ] AfricaNews - Kinshasa reacts to the arrest of Nkunda - Articles28 Jan 2009 The most compelling interactive Africa community, sharing news, photos, weblogs, videos, mobile reports and the untold stories by African people. AfricaNews - Topics in category Weblogs - EN - http://www.africanews.com/site/rss/list_category_t...DR Congo Rebel Nkunda arrested24 Jan 2009 "The joint operations command ... informs the public that the ex-general Laurent Nkunda was arrested on Thursday, January 22 at 2230 hours while he was fleeing on Rwandan territory after he had resisted our troops at ... GlobalResearch.ca - http://www.globalresearch.ca/ - ReferencesAnderson Cooper 360: Blog Archive - Congo rebel leader Nkunda ...25 Jan 2009 by ebrowning Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda was arrested by Rwandan authorities early Friday, a development that raised hopes for peace in the war-ravaged country, representatives from both countries said. ... Anderson Cooper 360 - http://ac360.blogs.cnn.com/ - ReferencesDAILY NATION - Congo rebel Nkunda arrested23 Jan 2009 Rwanda and Congo on Friday announced the arrest in Rwandan territory of Congolese Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda during a joint military operation against rebels on their Great Lakes border. Kenya News latest RSS headlines - Big News... - http://www.bignewsnetwork.com/index.php/cat/a2629...[ More results from Kenya News latest RSS headlines - Big News... ] Nkunda's spectacular fall Polymeme24 Jan 2009 NET : The Rumpus Interview With General Laurent Nkunda · 40 YEARS IN THE : Laurent Nkunda Captured by Rwandan Army · BUZZOMATIC : Nkunda's spectacular fall · THE MUSHAKI PAGER : L'INCROYABLE FRAGILITE DE L'IMAGINAIRE CONGOLAIS ... Polymeme frontpage feed - http://polymeme.com/feed - ReferencesMaravi: Joint forces capture Nkunda in Rwanda28 Jan 2009 by MrK The arrest of Nkunda, who has led a Tutsi rebellion in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo since 2004, occurred during the joint Congolese-Rwandan operation which was launched this week to hunt Rwandan Hutu militiamen operating in ... Maravi - http://maravi.blogspot.com/
DRC Army Integrates Over 6000 RebelsVoice of America - 2 hours agoBy VOA News Officials in the Democratic Republic of Congo have integrated more than 6000 rebels into the army as part of an effort to end the conflict in ... Congo Seeks ProtectionTIME - 5 hours agoBy Alex Perry / Goma Thursday, Jan. 29, 2009 Nkunda pictured at his base surrounded by armed soldiers before his Jan. 22 capture by Rwandan authorities. ... Hutu Rebels in Congo Send Families to Safety, Await AttacksBloomberg - 7 hours agoBy Franz Wild Jan. 29 (Bloomberg) -- Families of Rwandan Hutu rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are fleeing to safety across the border and ... Dar lauds Congo-Rwanda joint operationDailyNewsOnline, United Republic of Tanzania - 8 hours agoTanzania has commended a joint military operation of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwandan army to flush out rebel groups in DRC, ... An arresting and hopeful surpriseEconomist, UK - 8 hours agoTHE capture of a Congolese warlord, Laurent Nkunda, surprised almost everyone, not least the preening man himself. As commander of the National Congress for ... Rebels begin joining DR Congo armyAFP - 12 hours agoRUMANGABO, DR Congo (AFP) — The first of more than 6000 Congolese rebels took part in a ceremony Thursday to integrate their units into the regular army as ... DR Congo renews demand for extradition of NkundaXinhua, China - 18 hours agoKINSHASA, Jan. 29 (Xinhua) -- The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) has renewed its demand for the extradition of Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda, ... Congo: rebel integration into army failsThe Associated Press - Jan 28, 2009RUMANGABO, Congo (AP) — An attempt to integrate hundreds of rebel soldiers into Congo's army failed Wednesday, casting doubt on whether a hasty recent ... The UN needs to get toughInternational Herald Tribune, France - Jan 28, 2009By Linda Mason The seemingly endless turmoil in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo took another turn last week. ... Congo rebel integration plan fails to beginReuters South Africa, South Africa - Jan 28, 2009By Joe Bavier RUMANGABO, Congo (Reuters) - Plans to integrate Tutsi rebels into Congo's army faltered before they could begin on Wednesday, underlining the ... UN, DRC launch task forceNews24, South Africa - Jan 28, 2009Kinshasa - The UN peacekeeping mission in Congo is working alongside the national army to manage the integration of rebels into regular forces, ... UN to back attack on Congo rebelsBBC News, UK - Jan 28, 2009The UN mission to DR Congo (Monuc) says it will provide support to the joint DR Congo-Rwanda operation against Hutu rebels in the east of the country. ... UN gives logistical support to Congo-Rwanda operationAFP - Jan 28, 2009RUTSHURU, DR Congo (AFP) — UN peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo will provide logistical support to the joint Congo-Rwanda operation against ... United Nations Forces to Back Hunt for Congo MilitiaBloomberg - Jan 28, 2009By Franz Wild Jan. 28 (Bloomberg) -- The United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo said it would provide logistical support to a military ... Hutu group fears being targeted in Rwanda-Congo offensiveAFP - Jan 27, 2009KASIKI, DR Congo (AFP) — After waiting months here to return to their native Rwanda, Hutu militia dissidents -- who claim to have renounced violence -- fear ... Chris Mahony: Congo rebel capture brings hope for peaceNew Zealand Herald, New Zealand - Jan 27, 2009Rebel leader Laurent Nkunda was arrested last week. Photo / AP New Zealand lawyer Chris Mahony is currently studying African affairs at Oxford University. ... UN Human Rights Chief Calls for Accountability in CongoVoice of America - Jan 27, 2009By Lisa Schlein UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay says the human-rights situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo is alarming. ... Congo MPs feel sidelined in decisionsDaily Nation, Kenya - Jan 27, 2009By KAMBALE JUAKALI, NATION Correspondent,Posted Tuesday, January 27 2009 at 19:21 For some Congolese parliamentarians, the acceleration of such unexpected ... Rwanda puts down Nkunda dissentBBC News, UK - Jan 27, 2009Security has been tightened at refugee camps in Rwanda after protests calling for rebel Laurent Nkunda's release. Gen Nkunda, who claimed his fighters were ... UN fears Congo-Rwanda operation may spark abusesReuters - Jan 27, 2009GENEVA, Jan 27 (Reuters) - A joint Rwandan-Congolese operation to crush Rwandan Hutu rebels hiding in Congo could force large numbers of civilians to flee ... 4 Hutu militia killed by Congolese, Rwandan armieseTaiwan News, Taiwan - Jan 27, 2009AP Military officials say four more Rwandan Hutu militiamen have been killed by the Congolese and Rwandan armies. The fighting took place late Monday in the ... UN rights chief alarmed at killings blamed on Ugandan rebelsAFP - Jan 27, 2009GENEVA (AFP) — The UN human rights chief Tuesday said she was alarmed at "grotesque" abuse by Ugandan rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo after ... UN rights boss decries abuses in CongoReuters South Africa, South Africa - Jan 27, 2009GENEVA (Reuters) - The top UN human rights official on Tuesday decried what she called a continuous stream of gross human rights abuses committed by the ... Rwanda-Congo move isolates UN missionChristian Science Monitor, MA - Jan 26, 2009Last week's deployment of Rwandan troops to fight rebels in Congo caught the 17000-strong UN mission by surprise. By Jina Moore Correspondent of The ... Rebels on alert as Congolese, Rwandan troops close inAFP - Jan 26, 2009MIRIKI, DR Congo (AFP) — Rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo's troubled east girded for battle Monday as Rwandan and Congolese troops targeted them ... Congolese Brace for Violence as Rwandans Hunt HutusBloomberg - Jan 26, 2009By Franz Wild Jan. 26 (Bloomberg) -- Civilians in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s eastern North Kivu province are bracing for renewed violence as troops ... Rwanda: Congo rebel not in jailThe Associated Press - Jan 26, 2009NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — A Rwandan army spokesman says Congo's most powerful rebel leader is not imprisoned. Rwandan troops captured Laurent Nkunda last week ... Agreement may be good for the regionIndependent Online, South Africa - Jan 25, 2009The agreement by the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda to set aside their enmity and join forces to pursue each other's enemies is ... Governments enter secret pact to tackle the horrors of DRC’s warSunday Herald, UK - Jan 24, 2009INTENSIFIED BLOODY warfare now escalating in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where an on-off 15-year conflict has consumed 5.5 million lives, ... Joint Rwanda-Congo forces kill rebel commanderAfrican Press Agency, Senegal - 15 hours agoAPA-Kigali (Rwanda) The deputy commander of the reserve brigade of the Forces for Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) rebels, Lt Col Anaclet Hitimana aka ... CONGO: Rwanda To The RescueStrategy Page - 15 hours agoJanuary 29, 2009: The UN will provide logistical support to Congolese and Rwandan troops who are attacking the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of ... Congo-Kinshasa: Rwanda-DRC Joint Operations Seize More FDLR ...AllAfrica.com, Washington - 17 hours agoKigali — The commander of the joint Rwanda -DRC military operations in the Eastern DRC, Lt Gen John Numbi, has said that Rwanda-DRC joint military ... Rwanda: Give Them a Break, It's Their People!AllAfrica.com, Washington - 17 hours agoKigali — Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have taken the unprecedented move of working together to bring back stability to eastern DRC, ... New Twists in Congo Conflict – and Just Maybe a Turn for the BetterFamily Security Matters, NJ - 18 hours agoDo you think President Obama will keep your family as safe from terrorists as George W. Bush did? In the list I published three weeks ago of the conflicts ... Rebels balk at joining Congolese army - FeatureEarthtimes (press release), UK - 18 hours agoRumangabo,DR Congo - After seven days marked by about- faces, a dramatic betrayal and hopeful talks of peace, the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of ... Group says DRC-Rwanda deal comes with dangersLe Mali en ligne, Mali - 19 hours agoNew York, US - A deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda could escalate a humanitarian crisis in the region, according to the ... Rwanda: Top FDLR Commander Killed in DRC AmbushAllAfrica.com, Washington - 19 hours agoMasisi — One of the senior commanders of the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) was Wednesday morning shot and killed in eastern ... Democratic Republic of Congo: Laurent Nkunda and Bosco Ntaganda ...Amnesty International USA - Jan 28, 2009The arrest of Laurent Nkunda should be followed by swift steps to prosecute him on charges that he committed war crimes and crimes against humanity ... UN ready to step into Congo conflictZambia News, Zambia - Jan 28, 2009The United Nations has been invited by the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to support the joint DRC/Rwanda military operation targeting ... UN to support joint DR Congo/Rwanda military plan targeting rebelsUN News Centre - Jan 28, 200928 January 2009 – The top United Nations envoy to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has formally accepted an invitation by the nation’s Government ... UN mission will support Congo forces to capture FDLR militiaSmartBrief, DC - Jan 28, 2009The UN mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo has approved medical and logistical support for an operation to hunt the Rwanda Hutu Democratic Forces ... Nkunda capture gives some succour to DRC minersMetalbulletin.com (subscription), UK - Jan 28, 2009The capture of Congolese renegade general Laurent Nkunda last week signifies the “end of the war” in eastern Democratic Repubic of Congo (DRC) and the ... UN Mission to Support Congo ArmyPrensa Latina, Cuba - Jan 28, 2009Kinshasa, Jan 28 (Prensa Latina) The mission of the United Nations in the Democratic Republic of Congo will support the Congolese national army with ... New fighting in DR Congo imminent: rebelsReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland - Jan 28, 2009NAIROBI, Jan 28, 2009 (AFP) - The leader of Rwandan Hutu FDLR rebels on Wednesday predicted that intense fighting would erupt within days in eastern Congo ... DRC: UN raises concerns over civilians in eastIRINnews.org, NY - Jan 28, 2009KINSHASA, 28 January 2009 (IRIN) - Even before Rwandan and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) troops engage Rwandan Hutu rebels in eastern DRC, ... Rwanda-DRC-Military operation Rwanda-DRC joint military operation ...African Press Agency, Senegal - Jan 28, 2009APA-Kigali (Rwanda) The United Nations Peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) has accepted to boost the ongoing joint military ... Calming the CongoToledo Blade, OH - Jan 28, 2009THE latest developments in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo signify progress in that war-torn African land. ... Democratic Republic of the Congo / Joint Congolese-Rwandan ...Organisation de la Presse Africaine (Communiqué de presse), Switzerland - Jan 28, 2009KINSHASA, Dem. Rep. of Congo (DRC) January 28, 2009/African Press Organization (APO)/ — Daily press briefing by the office of the spokesperson for the UN ... UN to back attack on Congo rebels - BBC NewsJournal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey - Jan 28, 2009AFPUN to back attack on Congo rebelsBBC News - 25 minutes agoThe UN mission to DR Congo (Monuc) says it will provide support to the Congo-Rwanda operation ... Rwanda: Nkunda Arrest - UN-Panel of Experts Report DiscreditedAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 28, 2009Kigali — As I write this the joint military offensive against the FDLR will be entering the second week. And I hope by the time you finish reading, ... Rwanda: 200 FDLR Rebels Flee to UgandaAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 27, 2009Kigali — More than two hundred rebels of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) are reported to have fled into neighboring Uganda after ... UN Exposes Uganda Rebel Abuses in DRCPrensa Latina, Cuba - Jan 27, 2009United Nations, Jan 27 (Prensa Latina) UN High Commissioner on Human Rights Navi Pillay called grotesque the violations Uganda rebels have perpetrated at ... DR Congo Conflict: TSF deploys to support the Humanitarian ...ReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland - Jan 27, 2009In an effort to support the agencies of the United Nations and non governmental organizations, a team of emergency telecommunications specialists was ... A step in the right direction for eastern Congo?GlobalPost - Jan 27, 2009By Finbarr O'Reilly - GlobalPost There is rarely any real prospect for lasting peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where more than a decade of ... 4 killed in Rwanda-Congo joint operationafrol News, Lesotho - Jan 27, 2009afrol News, 27 January - At least four rebels have died during the ongoing Rwanda-Democratic Republic of Congo joint offensive against Forces for Democratic ... Congo suspends peace talks in Nairobiafrol News, Lesotho - Jan 27, 2009afrol News, 27 January - Congolese talks between government and rebels led by renegade General Laurent Nkunda have been suspended in Kenya, after an arrest ... Conflict Risk Alert: DR CongoInternational Crisis Group, Belgium - Jan 27, 2009Nairobi/Brussels, 27 January 2009: The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda have struck a deal for military cooperation that risks a new escalation of ... Protestors in Rwanda Call for Release of Gen. Laurent Nkunda ...TransWorldNews (press release), GA - Jan 27, 2009Rwanda has stepped up their security at several refugee camps in the country following a rise in protests against the government’s decision to arrest ... Red Cross warns DR Congo combatants to spare civiliansMONUC.org (press release), Democratic Republic of the Congo - Jan 27, 2009GENEVA (AFP) — The international Red Cross on Monday warned all sides involved in fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo that they are legally ... UN rights chief decries ‘grotesque’ abuses by Ugandan rebels in DR ...UN News Centre - Jan 27, 200927 January 2009 – The top United Nations human rights official today spoke out against abuses committed by Ugandan rebels in the Democratic Republic of ... Uganda: Should have right to invade neighbour DR CongoKongoTimes, Ireland - Jan 27, 2009The recent Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) attack on the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) camps in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was certainly ... Nkunda's Arrest: Initial Success for DRC-Rwanda AllianceWorld Politics Review - Jan 27, 2009JOHANNESBURG, South Africa - It is uncertain what effect last week's arrest of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) rebel leader Laurent Nkunda will have on ... Rwanda: Is Country Justified in Its Decision Not to Negotiate With ...AllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 27, 2009Kigali — For nearly fifteen years, Rwanda has been confronted with the existence of a 'rebel group' in the Democratic Republic of Congo [DRC]. ... Rwanda: Gen. Gatsinzi Receives UK Defence OfficialsAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 27, 2009Kigali — Defence Minister Gen. Marcel Gatsinzi yesterday afternoon received and held bilateral-military discussions with visiting United Kingdom (UK) ... Congolese rebel leader arrestedReligious Intelligence Ltd, UK - Jan 27, 2009The arrest of the rebel leader came only days after he broke ranks with his chief of staff who formed a splinter movement. Nkunda studied psychology and has ... UK official commends Rwanda-Congo joint operations against rebelsAfrican Press Agency, Senegal - Jan 27, 2009APA-Kigali (Rwanda) A senior British official has commended the Rwanda-Congo joint operations against FDLR and Interahamwe rebels as a step towards peace in ... 4 killed in Rwanda-Congo joint army operation against rebelsAfrican Press Agency, Senegal - Jan 27, 2009APA-Kigali (Rwanda) The Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo joint forces on Sunday killed four rebels of the Forces for Democratic Liberation of Rwanda, ... Rwanda: Hundreds of Rebels Surrender, Four KilledAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 26, 2009Kigali — As the ongoing Rwanda-DRC joint offensive against the Ex-FAR Interahamwe intensified yesterday, four other rebels were killed, dozens of weapons ... DR Congo/North Kivu: Joint operations with Rwanda continueReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland - Jan 26, 2009Rwandan and Congolese troops are continuing in the joint operation against the Democratic Force for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in east Democratic ... Rebel major prefers death to ‘slavery’ in RwandaGulf Times, Qatar - Jan 26, 2009MIRIKI, DR Congo: In a reed hut camp he has called home for 10 years, a Rwandan Hutu rebel major waited defiantly to face government troops determined to ... DR Congo/Goma: immediate impact of Nkunda's arrestReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland - Jan 26, 2009The arrest last week of rebel general Laurent Nkunda in eastern Congo has had an immediate impact, says a local Anglican priest who has been in touch with ... UN supports exploratory home return of Rwandan ex-fighters from DR ...UN News Centre - Jan 26, 200926 January 2009 – A programme to allow Rwandans who have been fighting with militias in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to visit their home ... DRC: Civilians at risk from further fighting after Nkunda arrestReuters AlertNet, UK - Jan 26, 2009Reuters and AlertNet are not responsible for the content of this article or for any external internet sites. The views expressed are the author's alone. ... MONUC supports an exploratory mission of ex Rwandan RUD/FDLR ...MONUC.org (press release), Democratic Republic of the Congo - Jan 26, 2009Kinshasa, 23 January 2009 – Alan Doss, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General in the DRC, welcomes the departure of the RUD/FDLR ... Rwanda: Nine FDLR Killed, Weapons SeizedAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 26, 2009Goma — Nine FDLR rebels were killed and rifles seized late last week as the joint Rwanda-DRC military offensive against the rebels intensified in the ... Congo-Kinshasa: Kagame Hails Rwanda-DRC Joint OperationAllAfrica.com, Washington - Jan 26, 2009Urugwiro Village — President Paul Kagame has hailed the ongoing Joint Operation by Rwandan and Democratic Republic of Congo forces aimed at uprooting FDLR ... Armed groups in DR Congo must free child soldiers: UNReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland - Jan 25, 2009KINSHASA, Jan 25, 2009 (AFP) - The head of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo urged armed groups operating in the east to free ... DRC wants Nkunda extraditedAfricaNews, Netherlands - Jan 25, 2009The Democratic Republic of Congo is seeking the extradition of arrested rebel leader, General Laurent Nkunda. He was arrested recently in neighbouring ... Nkunda's Rwanda DivorceBlack Star News, NY - Jan 25, 2009The East and Central Africa region deserves relief after decades of genocidal conflicts that's why the recent arrest of Laurent Nkunda by Rwanda's military ... Fear of Nkunda Lingers in Congo - New York TimesJournal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey - Jan 25, 2009WELT ONLINEFear of Nkunda Lingers in CongoNew York Times - 1 hour agoBy JEFFREY GETTLEMAN RUMANGABO, Congo - On Sunday, a bunch of former guerilla fighters ... Congo: rebel integration into army beginsThe Associated Press - 6 hours agoKINSHASA, Congo (AP) — About 60 rebels in eastern Congo exchanged their uniforms for official army garb on Thursday, the first step of the promised ... Rebel Integration Into Congo Army Fails to BeginVoice of America - Jan 28, 2009By VOA News Plans to begin integrating rebels from the Democratic Republic of Congo into the army have faltered, highlighting the challenges of bringing ... Congo moves to quell Hutu rebelsFinancial Times, UK - Jan 27, 2009By Barney Jopson The Congolese army claims to have killed nine Hutu rebels in eastern Congo as it continues a joint operation with Rwanda to flush out ... Armies of Congo, Rwanda clash with Hutu militiaThe Associated Press - Jan 27, 2009KINSHASA, Congo (AP) — The armies of Congo and Rwanda, battling together against Rwandan Hutu militiamen in eastern Congo, clashed with fighters trying to ... Looking for Peace Openings in CongoNew York Times, United States - Jan 26, 2009After helping to fuel the horrific war in eastern Congo, Rwanda has created a potential opening for ending the conflict by arresting Gen. ... A fragile chance for peace in Central AfricaInternational Herald Tribune, France - Jan 26, 2009One of Central Africa's most wanted men has been captured in Rwanda. The warlord leader Laurent Nkunda has been threatening the government in the Democratic ... Rwanda says Congo rebel is 'safe' but not in jailThe Associated Press - Jan 26, 2009NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Congo's most powerful rebel leader, who was captured last week by the Rwandan army in a reversal of alliances, is not in prison but is ... Rwanda-Congo force pushes deeper into militia zoneThe Associated Press - Jan 25, 2009KINSHASA, Congo (AP) — Rwandan and Congolese troops pushed deeper into zones in Congo held by Rwandan Hutu militiamen Sunday in a joint military operation ... Fear of Nkunda's return lingers in CongoInternational Herald Tribune, France - Jan 25, 2009By Jeffrey Gettleman RUMANGABO, Congo: On Sunday, a bunch of former guerilla fighters lounged around a hilltop army base, picking avocados and looking ... Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): Laurent Nkunda and Bosco ...Amnesty International UK, UK - 11 hours agoThe arrest of General Laurent Nkunda - the former leader of an armed militia group operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - should be followed ... MEDIAWATCH: Cautious optimism after Nkunda arrestReuters AlertNet, UK - Jan 28, 2009Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda attends a rally in Rutshuru, 70 km (45 miles) north of Goma in eastern Congo, November 22, 2008. ... Congo DRC: Hutu militiamen killed by Rwandan and Congolese troopsAfika, Norway - Jan 27, 2009Kinshasa (Congo DRC) - Rwandan and Congolese troops have exchanged fire with Rwandan Hutu militiamen in eastern Congo, killing nine in the first fighting ... Fleeing Congo rebel leader Nkunda arrested in RwandaThe South African Star, South Africa - Jan 26, 2009Kinshasa - In a startling turn against its former ally, Rwanda has arrested Democratic Republic of Congo rebel leader Laurent Nkunda. ... "Unprecedented" cooperation between Rwanda and Congo immediately ...Examiner.com - Jan 26, 2009by Samuel Knight, DC Foreign Policy Examiner Rwanda's decision to send troops to aid the Democratic Republic of Congo this week appears to have paid off ... Displaced Congolese return to prospect of more violencePakistan Observer, Pakistan - Jan 25, 2009Kibumba—With the menacing rebels gone and the equally menacing Congolese army again patrolling this muddy market village, people who fled months of fighting ... Report: Nine Hutu rebels killed in Democratic Republic of CongoTREND Information, Azerbaijan - Jan 25, 2009Nine Hutu rebels have been killed in a joint military drive by Rwandan and Congolese troops in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, reports said Sunday. ... Civilians Afraid As Hutu Rebels Clash With CongoJavno.hr, Croatia - Jan 25, 2009Congo`s United Nations peacekeeping mission has so far been unable to confirm the army`s statement. Congolese Hutu rebels said on Sunday they had clashed ...
DR Congo renews demand for extradition of NkundaXinhua, China - 11 hours ago29 (Xinhua) -- The Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) has renewed its demand for the extradition of Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda, who was arrested ... Rwanda: Nkunda Arrest - UN-Panel of Experts Report Discredited AllAfrica.com Rwanda puts down Nkunda dissent BBC News Democratic Republic of Congo: Laurent Nkunda and Bosco Ntaganda ... Amnesty International USA Economist - The Associated Pressall 577 news articles »Uganda: How Will Economy Grow Without Gen. Nkunda?AllAfrica.com, Washington - 3 hours agoFinally my namesake General Nkunda was picked up. I wrote way back in this column that whenever this so-called general sneezed, I caught flu. ... Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): Laurent Nkunda and Bosco ...Amnesty International UK, UK - 4 hours agoThe arrest of General Laurent Nkunda - the former leader of an armed militia group operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) - should be followed ... WELT ONLINERebel Leader Nkunda Arrested in RwandaWashington Post, United States - Jan 22, 2009Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda was arrested in Rwandan territory after he tried to resist a joint Rwandan-Congolese military operation in eastern Congo, ... document.write(NVF_generateVideoLink('"javascript:NVF_toggleBox('429496729531', 'http://www.youtube.com/v/v_oLAZAGz6A','u-AFQjCNEjt4Dn5yuen-akdoKidOnbZkehTg:v-3-1_1295122896', 'n');" ','zippy429496729531','va429496729531','Video: Rwandan Troops Arrest Congo's Top Rebel')); Video: Rwandan Troops Arrest Congo's Top RebelVideo: Rwandan Troops Arrest Congo's Top Rebel AssociatedPress Rwandan, Congolese troops heading for Nkunda stronghold AFP Nkunda's spectacular fall BBC News guardian.co.uk - African Press Agencyall 1,978 news articles »Sky NewsUganda's LRA Rebel Chief Peace Negotiator Denies He's ResigningVoice of America - Jan 26, 2009By James Butty With the arrest of renegade Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda by Rwanda and the trial in The Hague of another Congo rebel leader, ... document.write(NVF_generateVideoLink('"javascript:NVF_toggleBox('429496729541', 'http://www.youtube.com/v/8jxGbfWOm6o','u-AFQjCNF4jjJYqmBoP67sjnezPuQWSSeKmA:v-4-1_1297846469', 'n');" ','zippy429496729541','va429496729541','Video: DR Congo civilians caught in fighting - 25 Jan 90')); Video: DR Congo civilians caught in fighting - 25 Jan 90Video: DR Congo civilians caught in fighting - 25 Jan 90 AlJazeeraEnglish More than 100 killed in Congo massacre Swissinfo all 263 news articles »
DR Congo gorilla numbers up 12.5%BBC News, UK - 23 hours agoBy Mark Kinver The population of mountain gorillas in the Democratic Republic of Congo's Virunga National Park has risen by 12.5%, a census shows. ... DRC: Gorilla population soars despite war AfricaNews Mountain gorilla numbers up despite Congo conflict Earthtimes (press release) Mountain gorilla population in DR Congo increases 12.5% Mongabay.com France24 - Global Voices Onlineall 185 news articles »New Zealand HeraldRwanda puts down Nkunda dissentBBC News, UK - 17 hours agoDR Congo has allowed at least 6000 Rwandan soldiers into its eastern region to help Congolese soldiers disarm the Hutu militia. Rwanda, which hosts more ... Conflict Risk Alert: DR Congo International Crisis Group UN supports exploratory home return of Rwandan ex-fighters from DR ... UN News Centre Protestors in Rwanda Call for Release of Gen. Laurent Nkunda ... TransWorldNews (press release) AFP - Middle East Timesall 346 news articles »BBC NewsLord's Resistance Army number two plans to turn himself inAFP - 11 hours agoUgandan forces entered DR Congo on December 14 in a joint operation with DR Congo and South Sudan to flush out the LRA, after Kony repeatedly balked at ... document.write(NVF_generateVideoLink('"javascript:NVF_toggleBox('429496729521', 'http://www.youtube.com/v/8jxGbfWOm6o','s-OJC91bJqTmp1ETabQIGMIA:u-AFQjCNF4jjJYqmBoP67sjnezPuQWSSeKmA:v-2-1_1297846469', 'n');" ','zippy429496729521','va429496729521','Video: DR Congo civilians caught in fighting - 25 Jan 90')); Video: DR Congo civilians caught in fighting - 25 Jan 90 AlJazeeraEnglish Uganda: Should have right to invade neighbour DR Congo KongoTimes UN rights chief decries ‘grotesque’ abuses by Ugandan rebels in DR ... UN News Centre ReliefWeb (press release) - BBC Newsall 115 news articles »WELT ONLINEDR Congo: Warlord Lubanga's trial live on Congolese TVLe Mali en ligne, Mali - 21 hours ago... the government for enabling the public to follow the trial to discourage other warlords who keep spreading insecurity and death in DR Congo. ... document.write(NVF_generateVideoLink('"javascript:NVF_toggleBox('429496729531', 'http://www.youtube.com/v/XyOw1PhIB_A','s-9icnUpVMSogCNwGPMaefJg:u-AFQjCNHcRX3dL0qK3DuOC18_3XOQ3oWA3Q:v-3-1_1296891883', 'n');" ','zippy429496729531','va429496729531','Video: Lubanga trial to test war crimes court - 26 Jan 09')); Video: Lubanga trial to test war crimes court - 26 Jan 09 AlJazeeraEnglish Former DR Congo Warlord Pleads Not Guilty At ICC Trail RTT News Congo war crimes trial 'unfair' BBC News AFP - BBC Newsall 874 news articles »UNICEF calls for end to LRA abductions in DR CongoXinhua, China - 18 hours agoUNICEF's representative in DR Congo Pierrette Vu Thi who just returned from a mission to Dungu in the Haut-Uele District called on actors to do everything ... AFPHutu group fears being targeted in Rwanda-Congo offensiveAFP - 1 hour agoKASIKI, DR Congo (AFP) — After waiting months here to return to their native Rwanda, Hutu militia dissidents -- who claim to have renounced violence -- fear ... DR Congo: India donates equipment to DR CongoLe Mali en ligne, Mali - 59 minutes agoIndia has donated tele-teaching and telemedicine equipment to the Democratic Republic of Congo to help researchers, doctors and students. ... DR Congo: Malteser International prepares to extend its relief ...Reuters AlertNet, UK - 18 hours agoMalteser International currently prepares to extend its relief measures fort he civilians in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo. ... AFPRed Cross warns DR Congo combatants to spare civiliansAFP - Jan 26, 2009GENEVA (AFP) — The international Red Cross on Monday warned all sides involved in fighting in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo that they are legally ... ICRC calls for respect for civilians in DR Congo's North Kivu Xinhua ICRC calls for human rights in DR Congo Middle East Times all 12 news articles »WELT ONLINEDr Congo warlord Laurent Nkunda seized by Rwandan armyTelegraph.co.uk, United Kingdom - Jan 23, 2009A rebel leader who inflicted misery on the Democratic Republic of Congo, forcing hundreds of thousands to flee their homes, has been arrested after losing ... document.write(NVF_generateVideoLink('"javascript:NVF_toggleBox('429496729591', 'http://www.youtube.com/v/v_oLAZAGz6A','s-UcSMMJXmvc0WJBeNxaTjPw:u-AFQjCNEjt4Dn5yuen-akdoKidOnbZkehTg:v-9-1_1295122896', 'n');" ','zippy429496729591','va429496729591','Video: Rwandan Troops Arrest Congo's Top Rebel')); Video: Rwandan Troops Arrest Congo's Top Rebel AssociatedPress UN special envoy: Nkunda's arrest not to affect mediation in DR Congo Xinhua DR Congo requests extradition of Nkunda from Rwanda AFP BBC News - Worldfocusall 1,978 news articles »
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